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Question between the employers and employed , having been raised by the latter , should now be brought to some clear - and definitive issue . We learn that individually nearly all the firms in this district have received from their customers , for whom they are making mill or other machinery , in some cases under contracts with penalties as to nbnfulfiiment in time , the most cordial assurances that they approve of the course taken bjr the employers , and that they a * e disposed , under the circumstances , to . extend to them the utmost amount Of indulgence that may be sought in the completion of these contracts . "
A PBOP 0 SBD-1 BEMEDY TO OBVIATE 8 TB . IKBB . Mr . W . B . Adamshas written two letters to the Times , in a fair spirit on the pending dispute . "We mention Mr . Adams , because in his letter of the 30 th ultimo he makes a proposition to the men , which is worthy of consideration , more especially . as coining from so large an employer of labour . ? A body that can raise a fund of £ 25 , 000 in a short jme from its- own earnings , needs no patronage . Rightly guided by the wisdom of their best members , they have ample power to raise themselves to a position of moral worth and influence never yet possessed by any body of working men in any State . Let but one more mischievous remnant of ancient intolerance pass away ,
by the institution of a rational , law of partnership , and these working men will be enabled to bring about a new division of labour , beneficial to themselves and to the community , in union with the great capitalists , thus getting rid of the bugbear feud between capital and labour and setting up a true Socialism , based on individual interests , without needing the reconstruction of society ; i . e . a system in which the honest worker , may by economy gradually accumulate capital , and safely ( employ that capital in business to procure himself a profit * instead of building an uninhabitable
tenement or putting it in a savings bank . It is the combination of j oint-stock cooperation with individual energy and skill that must form that great practical National Assurance-office , which will put a final « nd to strikes , and bind the whole community together with an interminable chain of links that may bid defiance to internal accident or to outward force . It is only when the have nots ' get too numerous that the « haves' of the community are exposed to risk and the cohesion of a , nation is destroyed . " - ' Will the engineers reflect on these suggestions ? FROM THE MEMBERS OF THE AMALGAMATED BOCIETY OF ENGINEERS , MACHINISTS , ETC ., TO THEIR , EMPLOYERS . Gentlemen , —The ^ Executive Council of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers , Machinists , Millwrights , Smiths , and Pattern Makers , wish to address a few observations to you upon the practices of piece work and overtime , which they have come to a resolution to abolish . , :. ¦ .... ' _ ... . l . _ :.:. .. ; .. _ ,: _ The Executive Council , in taking this cdurse , have not the slightest intention of unwarrantably interfering with , or attempting to dictate to , employers . They have only in view the performance of their duty as the guardians of the interests of the members , and the organ through which the voice of the trade expresses itself , and they trust that what they have to say will be interpreted in the amicable spirit which animates thprn . So far , indeed , from the discussion of these questions , if properly considerell , having a tendency to create angry feelings , we believe that their satisfactory adjustment is of equal importance to both employers and workmen , and that each party should be anxious to see them equitably settled . We believe , too , that the present time ia peculiarly fitted for the discussion of such questions , as is shown by the interest evinced in them by the public at large , and the general desire which exists among all cl&Rses to shorten the hours of labour . In addressing gentlemen in your position , it is not of course necessary for us to elaborate thoughts , with which you roust be to the full as well acquainted as ourselves ; all . we need to do is to state the simple facts of the case , and leave them to your consideration . We would say , then , that overtime is injurious to employers , because it is the dearest possible way of doing the work that is to be done . Not only ' is the rate of payment for time greater , but a higher price is paid to tired workmen whose cap-ability of work , just when they should be leaving their labour , is considerably reduced . Taken as a whole , we should not be far beyond the mark when , we say , that work done in . overtime costs nearly double that which is performed in the ordinary working hours . . Beyond , however , the mere fact of men being less able to exert themselves when they are actually working overtime , the system tends to produce permanent incapability , by injuring the health of the workman , and thus making , his ordinary labour of leas value than it would otherwise bo . guides this , overtime is one of the most certain causes ° « ignorance , by preventing men who leave their beda to work and leave their work to sleep , devoting any portion OJ Weir time to the cultivation of their minds . Every employer knows that it ia better to have intelligent men than ignorant ones 5 for , independent of thp former being more truotublo and trustworthy , the ' intelligence they m ng to their work increases their value . We have as yet eaid nothing of the system of piece work - but it must bo obvious that most of the reasons fPP'y " ^ to overtime are oapable of being urged aguinsl « .- V \ . ateyer evils spring front men working longer nours than is consistent with their health or moral woll-» eing , Bpring from piece work to the full as much as irom overtime . By it mon are incited to work aa long > s exhausted nature oan sustain itself , and in addition it cws them to hurry over their work , and leave it imperfectl y finished when defects may bo concealed . ™ J w ° u » d hope , however , that irrespective of the considerations uprfnging from these fecte , and which
merely ^ fiect the interests of empibyersv we may enlist your sympathies on higher grounds . We would appeal to tho 8 ^ feelingswhich dignify . and ennoble our common humanity , to induce you to give up . some ^ ing of mere « ain , if need be , in order to elevate the condition of your workmen . For that , however , there is no necessity .. In this instance , at least , benefit to yourselves and benevolence to your workmen go hand in hand , arid we peg that you will serve at once your , own cause , and that of your workmen , by intimating to us that we need-not fear your ^ opposition , but rather may reckpn on your support in this effort to deal with the questions of piece work and overtimen ; ~" : " ' ¦ * ' - ' . . ¦ ¦ * . * . Entertaining these views , and actuated by these motives ; the Executive Council have decided to advise the trade generally to discontinue the practices of systematic overtime and piece work after the 31 st of December , 1851 ; and in those cases where overtime is really necessary , in cases of break downs or other accidents , all time so worked over to be charged and paid for at the rate of double time . I am , Gentlemen , your obedient servant , ¦ W . Allan , Gen , Sec . London : 25 , Little AlierStreet , Whitechapel .
REFORM CONFERENCE . The National and Parliamentary Reform Association have issued the following circular , calling for a Reform Conference . . " National Parliamentary land Financial Eeform Association , " Offices , 41 , Gharing-cross , January : 1 , 1853 . "Deab . Sir , — 'The council , of the National Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association have decided upon convening a conference in London , to which they invite the earnest friends of the cause from every part of the United Kingdom . The necessity and urgency of such a course will be apparent to all . It is desirable that the introduction of a ministerial measure of Parliamentary Reform should be a matter of certainty—that there should be such a manifestation of public opinion as shall cause that measure to be radical and complete . That means should be taken to secure its success and to obviate the necessity for further agitation . Such are the objects soughts in convening the conference , and it is felt that at this important crisis every sincerereformer will estimate the value of immediate and united efforts in behalf of these objects . Your acknowledgment , with the circumstances of your locality in reference to the reform cause , and the names of the persons likely to attend the conference , will be esteemed . In the appointment of deputations care should be taken that the opinions of all classes aie represented . It is thought the meeting of Parliament will be the most suitable time for the conference ; but with thi ; precise period you will be made acquainted . —( Signed ) J . Walmsley . "
' Q MXMBJ ^^^^^^ IAJ ^^^^ ^ P ^^^' Some time ago , a Prince Esterhazy , formerly one of the Batthyany Ministry , and known in England as the wearer of a diamond jacket , wrote a letter to the Tirnes , attacking the policy of the Hungarian Constitutionalists , and denouncing the conduct of Kossuth . This was followed by another letter from a " Batthyany" well known at Epsom and Newmarket , concurring in the views of the " Esterhazy . " Now , as there are many Esterhazys in Hungary , so there are many Batthy anys . One of the , latter was among the prisoners in Turkey liberated by the joint action of America and England . When the Mississippi touched the coat of France he landed , and was permitted to proceed to Paris , and there to take up his abode . This Batthyany was baptized Casimer , and here the title of Count , He was . also a member of the Ministry of Louiu Batthyany , and afterwards of Kossuth . To this CaaimerVmany persons applied the letter of the horse-racing gentleman ; and in vindication of himself and his country from the aspersiqns of Esterhazy , and to separate himself from ail complicity with either of the letter writers , he wrote the letter himself to the Times , and , having successfully refuted Esterhazy , he attacked Kossuth . The tone of the letter is moderate and dispassionate , the nature of the accusations against the Governor of Hungary clearly stated . They , therefore , demand
attention . Count Casimer Batthyany believes that , at the outset of his public career , Louis Kossuth intended to maintain the union existing between Austria and Hungary ; but that , exasperated by the want of good faith on the part of the Government of Vienna , his impatient temper , " his ambition and hankering after notoriety , arid his suppleness" led him too far , so that he was obliged to break with the Imperial Government . Then follows a decided arid strongly coloured estimate of t , he character of KoBsuth . 44 Deficient in the knowledge of men and things , in the steadfast bearing , cool judgment , and comprehensive mind- of a statesmanand without the firm hand of a
, ruler ; settling at naught all Bound calculation , while he played a game of chance and staked the fate of the nation on the cast of a die ; encountering danger ^ witU lioirbrained temerity when distant , but shrinking from it when near ; elated and over bearing , in prosperity , but utterly prostrate In adversity ; wanting that strength , and intrepidity of character that alone oommande homage and obedience from others , while ho suffered himself , to be made the tool of every intriguer he ciiinem cpnneotion with ; mistaking his manifold accomplishments and natural genius for an aptitude to govern a country in times of trouble ; and setting , in the flights of fancy , no bounds to the scope of his ambition , Kossuth hurried away the nation into a course of the moat impolitic
measures , and grasped the highest power in the realm by dubious means . " "Subsequently Count Casimer distinguishes between the cause of Hungary and the person of Kossuth as the object of English sympathy ; and he speaks of Kossuth as having been obliged to " pay a tribute to the feelings of legality , " which animate Englishmen , and to eschew -the . demagogical rant" in which he indulged at Marseilles . He denies Kossuth ' s right to set himself up as the representative of Hungary ; and declaims against Kossuth for' not appearing after his . liberation as a private citizen . Instead of doing this , he has set himself up as a dictator to his countrymen . Then follow these remarkable passages , containing allegations which neither Kossuth nor his friends can overlook .
"It is , therefore , the sacred duty of those who , although far from wishing to fetter his activity , are not disposed to admit his claims , publicly to protest against his proceedings . Without dwelling any longer on the weighty motives for caution which may be deduced from his past career , I will merely observe that his pretension to be . still regarded aa governor is the more barefaced from the circumstances attending his resignation . The circumstances ; are these : —He was summoned by Gorgey and three members of the Ministry to resign . He instantly complied , and resigned the Governorship without convening the Council of State , that he was bound by law to consult on every important occasion . He resigned without intimating his intention of doing so to the three other Ministers ( of Whom I was one ) , and who were , consequently , quite unaware of the fact . He did not resign his authority into the hands of the Ministers—as under such
circumstances he was bound to do—but into the hands of Gorgey . He even invested Gorgey with a power and authority with , which he had not been invested himself—viz ., the dictatorship . He delegated a power which he only held himself personally , and , in fact , provisionally , by a direct mandate of the Diet . He resigned in the name of . the Ministry , "which he had no right whatever to do . " In estimating the importance of this letter we must remember that Count Casimer Batthyany is a titular noble , and Louis Kossuth is not ; that Count Casimer B ^ tthyanyjnrasperniitteiiby M . Bonaparte to enter France , and that Louis Kossuth was not ; and that these weighty allegations and solemn charges rest partly upon the opinion of Count CasimetBatthyany .
THE HUNGARIAN REFUGEES . __ Lord Dudley Coutts Stuart has addressed a letter to the'Daily Netos , inclosing the subjoined communication to himself , from Mr . Francis Newman .
. ' ¦ TO LORD DUDLEY STUART , M . . P . " 7 , Park-village East , RegentVpark , December 30 , 185 T . "My dear Lord , — Allow me to address a few thoughts to you concerning the honourable exiles of Hungary . " You fully see the misery of trying to . provide for their wants by a money subscription . No moral interest in them can be sustained . Money will always flow in slowly , and the aid thus given is insufficient , degrading , and ere long reluctant . Such a mode of doling out relief is ill called charity . Unless enough money could be
raised at a single effort , such a procedure is quite undesirable . Surely one must wish that the individual exiles should be brought into personal knowledge with individual Englishmen , and receive a hospitality which would generate an honourable friendship when between equals in rank ,, or else a generous kindliness . I hear there are 161 exiles in London . Surely 161 householders exist here warmly disposed towards Hungary , and able to afford a sleeping apartment . It seems to me that the immediate want is of a suitable committee , that will advertise to receive pr . offers from the friends of Hungary , to afford this kind of hospitality—say for three months .
" The British Association does something of this kind at its meetings , always successfully , the time being there only a week ; but the form of their proceeding might , perhaps , guide the committee . The parties making the offer might be invited to state if , first , they could spare a gentleman ' s bedroom ; or , second , a servant ' s bedroom ; or , third , receive a gentleman at their table ; or , fourth ,, at their servant's table . Many would probably at first only offer a bedroom ; but after forming acquaintance and becoming interested in the person , would gladly offer something more ; and those who gave a bed , and could not afford board , would make exertions among their private friends till they were enabled to do this also . " Altogether , I am persuaded that the system of centralization is here , as in everything else , demoralising ;
and that the only way happy to him who gives and to him who receives , is that of quartering individuals locally . 41 Englishmen ' s hearts are more , open to Kossuth than to other Hungarians , because by his writings and speeches we know him ao well . Wo must also know the other Hungarians individually , if we are to take adequate interest in them . Perhaps , three severe winter months impend . Pray , my dear lord , « xert yourself ia this direction , which will not at all' interfere with . the Kossuth fund : I mean , try to establish such a committee . 44 i have the honour to be , sincerely yours , 41 ( Signed ) Francis W . Nbwman . " This is an excellent plan , and one which maybe readily adopted , though it will involve the sacrifice of that domestic privacy so dear to Englishmen .
THE FRENCH IN MOROCCO . One of the consequences of the late bombardment of the old piratical port of Salleo on the north coast of Africa , appears in . tho shape of an appeal to English Public Opinion . It ia a great fact .
Ja * . 3 , 1352 . ] ig ^ ; . 7 ;
Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 3, 1852, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1916/page/7/