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    tanaing . Messrs . Mtmte and ScholeSeld , the borough ^ Sbiws , sent the following note :- ~ '«« BLnriinghani , January 16 , 1852 . » SIR , —When , some short time sinoe , w ^ wasepted-an Invitation to attend the ifeform meeting which « to be held in the Town-hall this evening , we were unde * the impression that the movement was > wrfectly sponta-JK one receiving its impulse wholly from the ^ nhabi . tanta of the borough * It would now seem that the meeting owes its origin to other than local influences , and that it is to be used not simply as a means of eliciting the public voice on the important ' subject of reform , but also for the purpose of disseminating the political and financial views of a body or * gentlemen acting under

    the name of the ' National Parliamentaryand Financial Reform-Association . ' Emphatically disclaiming all feeling of hostility to that body , and willingly acknowledging the zealous exertions of its leaders , and their desire to promote the cause of good government , we cannot consent to identify ourselves with plans and principles in many of which we do not concur , or sanction any extraneous Interference with the independent expression of the opinions of oar fellow townsmen . Under these circumstances , and being anxious to avoid anything which can disturb the proceedings of the meeting , we deem it the more respectful course to abstain from taking any share in its discussions ; and we are , Sir , yours faithfully , G . F . Mttntz , " To the Chairman . " ¥ m . SchoiiBPIkld .

    It would be a very mM expression to say that the reception the foregoing experienced was anything but complimentary . The Birmingham Journal has a report in its late edition , and says , ' The letter was received with hissing . " Mr . George Bawson , M . A ., with whom the meeting originated , was most heartily cheered . He commented wiith exeat severity on the joint letter of the borough members . " He said he was sorry he ttmst begin by the performance of a disagreeable duty , that of explaining all about the letter whicht they had heard read , and which wag received about six o ' clock that evening . He would tell them the whole history of the affair , leaving the meeting to judge of the conduct of those who called it , and of the

    conduct of their members , who had deserted a meeting they promised to attend . { Hear , ) Birmingham politics , as they all knew , were in rather a strange State . Some persons-believed in the right of prescription , some in their grey hairs , others in their wealth , to entitle them to do everything . If they didn't do iV they grumbled ; if somebody else didn't do what they thought they should do themselves , theyrgrumbled again . Now , what was to be done ? It was very desirable that Birmingham should , before the meeting of Parliament , have something to say on the new Reform Bill which Lord John promised or threatened them with . The meeting should have been held in November , but the coming of the great Hungarian

    chief stopped it at that sime . Well , certain gentlemen consulted with him as to when the meeting should be called . He sent circulars to many , but out of the many very few attended ; and he confessed that on him lay the responsibility and the blame of calling it—of bringing extraneous people , foreigners , to it ; people not living in the parish , who were not born in it , over whom the chief beadle exercised no jurisdiction . ( Laughter . ) He took both the bills and the blame , and would defend himself and them as , usual , against all gainsayers . ( Cheers . ) Having , therefore , arranged a day for the meeting , and having been told that the National Parliamentary Association were very anxious to bring their views before

    the men of Birmingham , he did , with the consent of the small committee , invite them to come . He told them plainly that their views were not extensive enough ; that there was not a man very active in Birmingham who would stir a finger for anything short of universal suffrage . ( Cheer * . ) They oame upon that understanding , He wrote to Mr . Scholefield , and told him that they intended to go for universal suffrage ; he told him that these gentlemen were coming . Mr . Scholefield sent a note on Saturday , expressing some surprise that they were coming , and he had heard nothing further until that afternoon . ( Bear . ) Now , these being the facts , let them see what these gentlemen said— ' We

    were under the impression that the meeting was a spontaneous one . ' So it was . « Receiving its impulse wholly from the inhabitants , of the borough . ' Why , the five persons who originated the meeting—or himself , as he was to bear the olame—he was , he supposed , an inhabitant . 'The meeting owes its origin to other than local influences . ' That he denied altogether . ' That it is to be used for the purpose of disseminating the political and financial views of a body of gentlemen acting tinder the name of the National Parliamentary and financial Reform Association . ' Now , was it likely that It could be used for anything of the sort when they were informed that the meeting would be asked to go for unlversal suffrage ? To say that the meeting was got up at the dictation of these gentlemen or of any body else , a — ' ^^ ' —* — " — w *«»^ vw ^ b > ^» ^ 0 w va ^ tf m ^ m v * *^ m ^^ ¦ •**•• J ^^ « # w J ^* ¦ v ^* s scorned

    ne it . ( Cheers . ) « We cannot consent to identify ourselves with plans and principles , in many of which we ao *» ot concur , or sanction any extraneous interference with the independent expression of the opinions of our xellow-townsmen . ' Now , nobody asked them to identify themselves with these gentlemen . Did ihey act upon their extraneous interference ? ( Hear . ) Were they to be told that they must not have a man amongst them £ « , ? w ?* 1 J ? ora « led in tha * borough of theirs ? ( Cheers . ) : " »<* Mr . Scholefleld refuse the extraneous influence of JJ » r , Cobden and Mr . Bright on former occasions ? ( Hear . ) A « e letter would be published ; hence he would waste no r . }^ Somebody said , ' How are we to do without inem ? Boho answered—without them . ( Laughter . ) Without further speech Mr . Dawson proceeded to

    the resolution . The resolution he had to propose was .: — '¦' . ¦ ' ¦¦ ¦ . ; . , ' . . ' ¦ ¦¦¦ . ' ¦ - , . ' ' " « That this meeting declares itself in favour of an extension of the suffrage to every adult male unconvicted of crime , and ^ fiRSrasd-ffiln ** -t < ' » ' «» ' « A « eH ?^ y—So-far as he could remember , the resolution was in the very same words as those of the Charter , and very properly so , because they believed that universal suffrage was just , and therefore they could not dp better than use the words of a document which justified" it , and had iieceiyed the sanction of the men of Birmingham . They had all heard of the threatened invasion of the country .-and should it take place , no doubt they would all be called on to bear arms against the foreign invaders . They were all called

    on by the Government to do the drudgery of the nationto sweep the streets , as it were ; above all , to pay the country ' s debts ; and yet they were denied their ... votes .. The Government and the aristocracy were the Brahmins who sprung from the head of Brahman ; but the people were the poor Pariahs who emanated from his feet . Political preferment was like a piece of plate kept on a family sideboard—it was rigidly preserved for the Elliotts * and the Cavendishes , and no one else . When he looked all over Europe , and saw that the little candle of liberty was alone burning in this land—when he saw the worse than Egyptian darkness which had spread all over Francewhen he saw a little man miserably attempting to imitate a treat man . deluging the streets of Pans with carnage

    and with blood—when he saw the hero of Boulogne , the mighty sausage and champagne monger , aping the victor of Austerlitz—when he saw the Republican despot transporting to Cayenne men who had committed no dffence , untried and uncondemned—when he saw these atrocities perpetrated within twenty miles of England , he implored the men of Britain not to fall back but to go forward ; to press their demands for freedom , and to cry aloud to the despots , ' We will hurl you from your thrones , we will stand by our liberties ; and to everyround of grape with" which you mow down men we will reply with reinyigorating cheers ; and in that same degree with which you minimise liberty , so will we maximise it here at home ; ' for it was their duty to say to Europe , * We are the oldest children of liberty , and we have not lost our faith in it yet . ' But it was said by some

    that this was n » t t . hfi _ mbAent _ io-adgocate universal suffrage , and people pointed to France to prove their argument . Now , he would ask , when the revolution of February , 1848 , took place , Were the people banished to Cayenne then ? Was Louis Philippe assailed ? did the Republicans dye their hands in blood ? No , the punishment of death was abolished , and the men acted quietly but firmly , andjsrder was not violated under the na " me of peace . The history of the past confirmed him in his conviction that at this period it was more than ever the duty of Englishmen to strengthen and increase their liberties , and surely it could not be argued against them that because universal suffrage had-nor succeeded in France that it must necessarily fail here . He committed

    himself for ever to the principle of universal suffrage , and he had no hesitation in assisting those who were travelling in the same direction , although for the present they fell somewhat short of it . He had himself qualified as an elector , and he hoped to go up to battle against Newdegate and Spooner , to rescue North Warwickshire from those those two devoted Paladins of antiquity , those Gemini of darkness , who would keep Jews from the rights of citizenship , Roman Catholics in abject subjection , and restore protection to the farmers , in utter forgetfulness of the rights of others in the country they misrepresented . Let England shout to the Pope that he should not imprison and keep down his subjects ; let them abjure the wanton invasion by France of Rome , the most wicked aggression of modern days ; let them look to poor downtrodden Poland and Hungary , and cry , We Englishmen

    love liberty , and will increase it . Let us alone : we tread on the wondrous dust of the men of old who went up to battle for their institutions . We are of the same stamp and blood , and the greater the darkness abroad the more brilliantly will we light up our candles at home . ' Let them be worthy of the heritage their fathers left them ; let them reinspire the fallen nations of Europe with hope , and in saving themselves they would do justice to the cause of Italy , of Hungary , of Germany , and of Poland . Let them rebuke all despots , until again liberty , the cause for which their ancestors fought and bled , should triumph as of old . ( Great cheering . ) ' * Mr . B . Hill seconded the resolution , which was put , and carried unanimously . The Reverend Brewin Grant moved the next resolution : —

    " That this meeting having heard the statements of the deputation from the National Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association , and considering the measures of that association a great improvement oh the present system , and a great advance towards universal suffrage , offers the association its thanks for what it has done , and assistance for the future . " Mr . George Edmonds , the Clerk of the Peace , having seconded it , this resolution was also unanimously adopted . Votes of thanks were passed to Sir Joshua WalmBley and Mr . Thompson for their attendance , and the meeting broke up .

    The Manchester meeting was almost private , and consisted of the members of the council of the Manchester Parliamentary Reform Association , lately so rudely rebuffed by Lord John Russell . The net result of the meeting was the adoption of the following petition , based on a resolution approving of reform . Here , then , we have the political gospel according to Manchester . 41 To the Honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland , in Parliament assembled : — " The petition of the undersigned inhabitants of

    Manchester humbly showeth : —That your petitioners have heard with great satisfaction that it is the intention of her Majesty ' s Ministers to introduce in the session of the present year a bill to amend the representation of the ^ eop le 4 n-y 4 > ur-honourableiHou 8 e . — - ———; ¦ " That your petitioners are deeply anxious that the Change now proposed should render your honourable House a fair representation of the property , the intelligence , and the industry of the United Kingdom ; and in this view they submit , the following propositions , in the hope that they may receive the" consideratiion of your honourable House , and be adopted in any measure for the amendment of the representation .

    " Your petitioners propose that the elective franchise shall henceforth be based upon occupation , and liability to the poor rate , with such limitations as to period of residence as shall be necessary to afford a guarantee that the occupation is bOna fide ; and further , that the 40 s . franchise shall be extended to the United Kingdom , and be conferred upon the possessors of property of that annual value , whether derived from freehold , copyhold , or leasehold tenures . " Your petitioners are of opinion that your honourable House cannot satisfactorily adjust the representation of the people without a very considerable change in the distribution of the electoral power , and they sugeest

    that , where practicable and convenient , small and neighbouring boroughs shall be united and form one borough ; that where such union is not practicable , small boroughs shall cease to return members , and their existing constituencies merge in the constituency of the county in which they are situate ; that , corresponding to the extent to which small boroughs shall be united , or shall cease to return members to Parliament , new boroughs shall be created from the populous towns now unrepresented , and that additional members shall be conferred upon the metropolitan and other first-class boroughs in the United Kingdom ; and that ¦ , so far as is practicable , no constituency shall hereafter consist of fewer than 5000 electors .

    " That your petitioners are most strongly of opinion that the adoption of the ballot is indispensable to an honest representation ; that it would make the conviction of the elector , rather than his personal interest and fears , the lejyimtr _ motige—in-the—exereise—of—the— franchise ; that it would greatly repress the demoralising practices , so * humiliating to candidates , and so degrading to electors , which seem almost inseparable from canvass and a poll under the existing system ; and that it would

    fid most effectually in preventing the Jurbuience and riot with which elections have hitherto been too often attended . •« That your petitioners are of opinion that the present legal duration of Parliament is much too extended to secure to constituencies a proper control over their representatives , and they therefore strongly urge the repeal of the Septennial Act , and the limitation of the duration of Parliaments , according to ancient precedents , to a period not exceeding three years . that

    " That your petitioners are of opinion -a property qualification for members of Parliament is neither necessary nor just i and that the law which now insists upon such qualification should be at once repealed . " That your petitioners , in urging the adoption of the foregoing propositions , express their belief that they are strictly in accordance with the principles and objects of the Constitution ; that they will provide for an honest expression of public opinion in your honourable House , and are calculated to secure a just and economical Government to the British Empire . Your petitioners , therefore , earnestly pray that the said propositions may form a part of any measure which your honourable House may pass to amend the representation of the people . " And your petitioners will ever pray , &c . "

    Leeds also has spoken . A meeting was held there on Tuesday , under the presidency of Mr . Alderman Wilson , ' and attended by Mr . Marshall , M . P ., Mr . Edward Baines , Mr . Alderman Carbutt , and other gentlemen attached to the cause of Liberalism in Leeds . Mr . Marshall , in moving the first resolution , recalled the " stirring recollections" of the Reform Bill , and argued that , as the enfranchised of 1832 had behaved we ll , a further extension was legitimate . * ' That this meeting , having considered the existing

    state of the representation of the United Kingdom , is desirous to see such changes effected as will satisfy the just and moderate expectations of the people , and render the House of Commons , in conformity with the spirit of the constitution , a fair representation of the property , the industry , and the intelligence of the people ; and that , while aiming at this object , it is moreover anxious to adhere to the ancient landmarks of our representative system , and within their limits to introduce suoh " changes only as experience shows to be wise and safe /'

    Mr . Edward Baines seconded the resolution , and spoke up for municipal franchise applied to Parliamentary elections . Mr . Alderman Carbutt moved a resolution the reflex of the Manchester petition , seconded by Mr . David Green . Mr . Henderson proposed manhood suffrage as an amendment , and the motion was seconded . Appeals were made to him to withdraw the amendment , but in vain . It was put , and for a long time the Chairman was uncertain whether it were carried or not , Ultimately it was declared to be lost . This ought to show the medium Liberals that their plans are only tolerated by the people because the luttor aro unwilling to be the fomentors of discord . On the same day a meeting was hold at Nottingham , under the presidency ot Mr . Alderman Knight , and attended by Sir Joshua Walmsley and Mr . George Thompson . Revolutions , approving of a tolerably

    Untitled Article

    Jan . 24 , 1852 . 1 M ^ t ^ tUitX ^ 73 ¦ ... ¦ ¦ - _ . - - . ¦ ¦ . - ; ¦ ¦ . . .. — —L— . — : . _ . „__—_^ j . _ t ^ .. _ - ^ ' . - .... , ' ,, ¦ - ., n —i—^—^ j—_—— . ——^ am ^^ i— ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^ ^

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 24, 1852, page 73, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1919/page/5/