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    Untitled Article

    tion is not more than one-fiftieth of the British isles , which , geographically , are a mere outlying scrap of the Continent . Steam navigation is rapidly bringing that fine region closer _ to this country . The products are peculiarly rich and varied . In some parts , as in South Australia , bread-stuffs of the very , finest quality can be produced to an almost unlimited extent ; iron , lead , and copper abound ; the pastures are excellent , and already feed numbers of cattle and sheep . In New South Wales , there is boundless pasturage , valuable and wide-spread forest timber , lminesand to the

    and productive coa- ; same resources the newly-detached province of Victoria adds admirable whaling grounds . Extensive tracts in all parts of the Continent are excellently adapted to the olive and the vine ; cotton and silk are destined to be among the products of the region . Ap p all these most valuable products —• the wo ^ toauiable that the human race can desire— - are obtained with a facility that reduces the cost of production to a minimum . The coal is near the surface ; the copper is nearer to purity than the ore anywhere else ; the wheat attains its most perfect type ; the wool grows to the finest staple with a minimum of attendance ; the direct

    necessaries of life , of the finest quality , the raw materials for the great staples of industry , the staples of trade , are produced with an ease next door to spontaneous growth . The taint of convietism has been arrested ; some development has been given to free institutions ; steam places the colony in easy , certain , and regular communication with the mother country . In the midst of all this prosperity , something happens which threatens it all with social dissolution . Gold is discovered in all quarters—to the East , in immense abundance , and m the most accessible

    form . In other words , a concentrated form of native wealth is founded , to 3 e ^ . dded to the natural resources of the colony ; and its discreet men are alarmed ! And well they may ; but whyP Because neither the government of the colony , nor the oeconomical laws which have regulated society , suffice to maintain moral or even industrial discipline . The intelligent landowners and merchants who are dismayed at the aspect of affairs on the discovery of the gold , do not share our

    views as to the oeconomical defects or their system —they will have to learn their lessons roughly ; but they are eminently alive to the tactics of the Government . The bait of gold is too great for the labouring classes to resist it . True , that all enduring wealth must lie in developing the grand staples that support life ; but a sudden gain is the bait of baits for the uneducated mind , in whatever class of society ; and the labouring people of all kinds desert to the gold beds—fieldlabourers , artisans , domestic servants ,

    stockkeepers , ploughmen , bakers , butchers , ostlersall are off ; capital sits at home , deserted and dismayed . The sheep-owner anticipates a short " clip , " the shipper a short cargo ; the landowner sees his field neglected , the tradesman is left alone in his shop . And under these circumstances , what does Government doP In New South Wales , Sir Charles Fitzroy grants " licences" to the gold-finders at low prices—almost inciting the labouring population to abandon real industry for the base and unsound gambling of

    gold-finding . And while , at one end ol the tram , Sir Charles is thus facilitating the draft of labour from its avocations , at the other end , tho Government in London is withholding tho supply of emigrants , although it has in hand largo sums of Australian money for that very purpose ! Capital has not , as yet , made common cause with Labour in any part of the world , though it has talked of doing so . If it had , wo should not see skilled labour deserting a groat established trade in our own country , and threatening accoptanco of invitations to follow that trade to a rival

    country ; nor Labour deserting tho great staples of Australia , to follow tho vagabond trade of goldpicking . Nor if Governments understood tho negative character of Froo Trade , with tho true character , of its necessary and positive adjunct , concert , would thoy bo bo helpless to control and temper the social aberrations ) either of Capital or Labour . In . England , in doing what they like with thoir own , tho masters claim the inhuman right , the most wrongoua right , to disregard the health , comfort , and welfare of tJicir indispensable helpmates , tho working men . In tho colony , tho labourers claim the right to abandon tho needful dutica for ( supplying food and raiment , and

    materials for industry . Both acts are great , social transgressions . But who teaches better , save contemned , misunderstood , calumniated " Socialists ; " what Government offers to be the guide , mediator , and ; mutual regulator ? Were industry placed on an equality with Capital in this country—as , " free" to trade in . its own wealth , as free to combine for its own interests , as much protected in its operations , —it would not be running away from the best trade in the land . Were the managers of society alive to the force of concert , morally and ^ economically , they would not

    be slow to take possession of the gold beds by industrial armies , controlled by the State , but having a share both in their own discipline and in the wealth which they should work out . Such an organization would solve the whole difficulty of these gold beds , — that social panic at the discovery of concentrated wealth !

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    THE MILITIA APOLOGY . The Ministerial measure for calling out the militia is a half evasion of a great public duty , and more than one party is prepared to help Ministers in the evasion . The public and the press are agreed ; they are opposed by Ministers and divers of the " Liberal" menYbers in Parliament . The public dislikes JJouis Napoleon , without fearing suspects him , and is resolved to be prepared against any vagary of his secret and selfish councils ; to which end it desires a national preparation . Ministers wholly differ ; and accordingly , though yielding to the pressure from without , they accept the necessity of " doing something" in the matter of national defences , as they did in the case of the palpal aggression , but their Premier does not adopt it with that hearty appropriation which distinguished his personal share in that agitation , and accordingly his mea = svire has not , even in appearance , the dash and audacity of- . his Ecclesiastical Titles Bill . The

    clerical bill was a truly inspiriting counterblast , hounding oa Protestantism to a rancorous triumph , firing though it did not daunt Catholicism with the threat of subjugation ; but these military measures are of the true milk-and-water quality . The reason is , that Lord John hates and fears the Pope , but has no alarnf at Louis Napoleon ; on . the contrary , rather likes him than otherwise , and thinks that he is doing the best he can for his country . So against " an old man sitting on a Semitic throne , " among the ruins of the Seven Hills , Lord John rouses

    the whole country ; but against the author of the coup-d'etat which seized France in a night , ho will rouse eighty thousand young men this year , and a few more next , and , some day in the summer , will give them a fortnight ' s or a month ' s drill . Tho public estimates the chances differently . Louis Napoleon has already incroached upon the independent action of Switzerland ; his ambassador has withdrawn from that country ; ho talks of a joint occupation with Austria ; and tho

    Swiss Government will probably make a formal appeal to its ally , Great Britain . Belgium , too , warned by menacing hints , and conscious of internal intrigues fomented by France , is preparing for self-defence , and will probably appeal to her ally , Great Britain . The interpretation which we put on Louis Napoleon ' s assurances of pacific intentions towards England has been shared in

    Paris , and statesmen not altogether opposed to the present Government , have expressed great anxiety at tho possible declaration of war . No one can count upon tho acjts of a man without scruple , without even the responsibilities of gonius . Tho English public feels as much , and desires itself to be prepared for any event . It is proportionately dissatisfied with tho fractional measure laid before it .

    It is not less surprised at tho course taken by certain of the Liboral membors . Mr . Hume objects to violating tho division of employments , and would rather prefer an increase of tho rogular forces . Mr . Colbdon would also rather havo more soldiers , and would pay thorn liberally ! Tho great financial reformers are for an increnso

    of the standing army ! Tho groat advocate ' s of liberty are for increase of tho standing army ! Mr . llumo would have us keep the peace hy holding our tongues , and not ¦ offending the 1 'tinco President . Mr . Oobdon rolios on the "honour " of French Generals , at the head of whom now stands that general , St . Arnaud , no" Loroy , of whom wo gave a biographical sketch last week ! Now , those tvro members are dead against the public : '

    the public does not rely on the honour of officers who took an active part in the bloody , cowardlv and treacherous coup-d ' etat of December 2- " does not consent to hold its tongue ; it does not desire to increase the standing army . On tli contrary , it regards a standing army as the most dangerous instrument of oppression '; ii regards the reduction of that mercenary force as the first step towards financial reform . Heduce the standing army , nationalize the defence of the country , —that is the cry that meets with instant response in all quarters .

    The official militia scheme offers no means of satisfying that want . It includes an increase to the standing army . It will call out for a brief drill , this year , spine eighty thousand young men who have just come of age . It will permit " substitutes . " In short , it will revive a fraction of the old militia , which was but an imperfect addendum to the regular army ; with the sole frea t improvement , that it is to be strictly local , he numbers will be altogether insufficient for any purpose of national defence ; though one

    great reliance on an irregular army ol the kind must be its numbers . See an excellent out-spoken pamphlet on this subject h j Major-General Sir Charles James Napier , which Mr . Moxon has just published . Napier , the Pappenheim of " Wellington , is the last of our Generals who was in great and extensive actions ; he it was whom Wellington is said to have forced to retrieve the honour of English arms in North-western India , by the threat that otherwise the more aged hero would go himself . He writes as he fightsstraight to the purpose . He insists that the

    practice of the irregulars should be " constant : " the Ministerial plan contemplates a practice of a fortnight , or four weeks ! In short , Ministers want to satisfy the public by giving them an imperfect addition to the standing army ; the public wants to bo " rendered able to do with a smaller standing army . The Times truly reflects public opinion , when it calls for a , general training of the people , in a way less cumbersome and troublesome tjian , a , regular military discipline , irouoiespme i ^< j . n . , ^ , regular nmuary discipline ,

    more suited to fall in with the general habits of the people , and therefore to be popular . Sir Charles Napier is of the same opinion : he is Strong upon the point that irrtjgjularw o-agkt not to attempt to learn too much . The Government behaves as it might , if it wished to revive the old dislike o £ the militia ; and many of its provisions are obviously actuated by the desire to prevent a truly national training , perhaps from that timorous jealousy which betrays itself in the total exclusion o £ Ireland from the measure . Ireland

    is treated as an alion , a distrusted neighbour , an enemy . Is that politic P But there is no audacity like that of timidity and vacillation . Ministers arc afraid really to trust any part of the country ; and while they remain in office , we are not likely to obtain a satisfactory measure . Meanwhile , as in the . case of their Reform Bill , wo wclcomo what they offer , as a recognition of tho public want which they hesitate to satisfy , — as a beginning of the work that has to be finished , we hope , by others .

    Untitled Article

    WHERE IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH , ' FOLLY TO BE WISE . When servants have boon long in a family , they become rather careless ; glass and crockery display all their frailty , milk and dainties go a very litllo way , and tho reputation of " the cat" suiters terribly . " The cat" grows omnivorous—ho devours milk , cold meat , pastry , coals , wine , cand les , stray pencil-cases , rings , silk stockings , gloves , bcrthcB , and objects of vertu ; ho " will not fo home till morning , " and ho claims a vested interest in the keeping up of tho establishment wit " duo profusion . Cabinets have improved on tins domestic functionary ; not only the entire stall , but each department , lma its eat . Minifitorfl luivo their subordinate follow champions , who . tako all tho kicks , " while tho chiefs take tho half-pom * and tho glory . And it is wonderful how _ . tho praetieo is' reduced to system . A real mii »« f or never It now a anything * about anything wIll' ; JJ may go amiss , ' jle has never boon neg lecttm of his duty , but " tho cat" has dono it nJJ . Lord Grey , for instunoe , has spent his nigJkw in preparing all the successes in tho Capo 01 Good ITopo ; but , if anything went wrong , it wn » poor Sir llnrry Smith that did it . Lpr dkroy Avas watchful , prescient , decisive ; but Sir Hnrry > a mere bravo man . did not keep him informoa

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    It 8 1 * 11 E L / EA B $ R- 0 ATtfepi ^

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 21, 1852, page 178, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1923/page/14/