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' Before he entered office , Mr . Henley declared that the Protectionists could not ask for a reversal of the decision , because there were no new facts j but there are new facts . Although still miserably poor , the agricultural labourers are better off than they have been for centuries . That is a great fact—a gigantic fact . And why P Because protection sought tp benefit industry by limiting production—by limiting production especially in the chief necessary of life ; and through the abolition of that restraint , the eating population ,
especially the poor , is better oil . As JLora Palmerston says , you cannot reverse the policy which gives the poor more to eat , without setting poor against rich . The farmers , too , in the more intelligent counties , Kent , for instance , are becoming so far reconciled to Free-trade , that they do not desire to have back Protection ; though , in the duller counties , such as Shakespeare ' s "Worcestershire , they stiJJ hanker after last year ' s moon . Condemned by the majority of the electoral body , hated by the towns , supported with diminished and dividing numbers even by its ill m in ihiimii ami UlVAULUg uuiuuc ; o cvcu uj iw
friends , officially declined by its leaders , who entered office as the representatives of the policy Protection is destroyed for ever . Still , its object was just , and will not be abandoned by the farmers or agriculturists of any class . The farmers say that now they have not justice ; which is true . Tithes are an injustice , from which the towns escape . The charge of the poor , rated on the rental , is heavier on the farmer , who turns his capital once in the revolving year , if he does that , than upon the manufacturer , who can turn his capital several times . That the labourer is far from being well off , although labourer is far from being well off , although
better off than he has been , is proved by the steady desire to emigrate , repelled only by the steady obstructiveness of the Colonial department . Thus conditioned , the agriculturists will hear with astonishment and disgust , the confession—nay , npt the confession , but the absolute assertion of the new Chancellor of the Exchequer , that " The people are in a state of contentment and prosperity . " No , no ; the people have discovered that Protection which limited production was not the thing to exalt their condition ; but they are not vet Drosperous , and they are far from contented .
And we warn them that they will not radically or thoroughly improve their condition while freetrade remains the final Jaw . They are already beginning to find that out . While industry is left , without concert or guidance , to carry on division of employments by the rule of haphazard , or the really misleading law of " supply and demand , " the trade in articles of vital
necessity , as compared with the trade in luxuries , will always be less efficient than it should be for the welfare of the country at large , less profitable for those who carry it on . We have now finally bade farewell to the delusion of Protection : henceforward we shall have to deal with mere Free-trade singly ; and we shall the more rapidly learn to understand its total unfitness to be the one law of an industrial community like that of England . Farmers and labourers must begin to cast about for the new and true Protection which
lies beyond Free-trade . . « To that end we applaud the suggestion of an accomplished correspondent , that the Protectionists should henceforth become out and out Freetraders . Yes , let us have real freedom of industry — freedom of labour to associate its labour , to associate its capital—freedom of industry in all its relations . A thorough experiment in absolute freedom would soon teach even the most bigoted Free-trader to appreciate the peace and plenty that await Concert alono .
POLITICAL LETTERS . IV . The False Peace . —R eply to A . I * . March 17 , 1852 . My dear A . Lm—I desire to answer you directly , and I will do . so briefly . - " Peace , " as you say , " her' victories ,, as
woll as War , " but the victories of Peace are not those which satisfy tho instinct that impels to war ; and there is a kind of shifting of tho ground in a shifting of tho phrase , whon wo aro called on to accept tho victories of peace as a valid aultetituttf . Tho instinct which craves tho victory over physical danger , is not satisfied with a controversial victory ; and white you stunt the faculties to which the instinofc refers , you shun two dangers of a serious kind . /
You divert natural instincts , or suppress them . But this never can be done , I believe , except to the injury of the entire man . . I will confess that I have no belief in '' the perfectibility of the human species , " though I have in the progressive development of circumstances- — material , moral , and artistic—which would enable our species to deyelope its' natural type to the fullest proportions , including the development of all its faculties . It may be that a higher development is possible ; but , within the scope of
history , I see no evidence of it . On the contrary , I see many risings of humanity , many fallings , far below the type . But let me leave general ideas , for very plain practical idea 3 , We all know that , in daily life , virtue is exposed to various temptations , detrimental to health of mind or body-. I do jiot ' now speak of a straiilaced virtue , which I believe to be in itself abominable , and prone to vice . Wlen you tell me that members of the Peace movement set themselves against vice , while I respect their
zeal , I fear that they mean something different from that which I abhor , I know that , intime of active war , vices / ugly enough in themselves , put * on a form of shameless violence , most hideous . On the other hand , we are told that ' " idleness is the root of all evil '; " but the excitipg occupations of civilized life prove that the evil may not lie in idleness . I stand by the ^ evidences of physiologists , that the true , corrective to excesses of mere instincts and appetites , the discipline which keeps the animal functions in ine
healthiest balance , is muscular exertion , pusled to the degree of bodily fatigue ; and I know tltat the fatigue is healthiest when it is varied , and incited by a real interest . An exercise for duty is a poor affair , compared to the exercise of sports , of hunting , of bodily contest . The exercise should have s ^ real object—such as interests the instinctive faculties , without which it will be listless , mechanical , and will not give the same
tone to the muscles . A fine ,- vigorous man may be " free" in his life ; but , save in some monstrously ° exceptional state of society , he cannot be unmanly in his errors . Now this physical training is denied to the bulk of society in our country , and in our day ; and as a consequence to be expected , vice has become less flagrant , tut not less gross , fantastical , tame , sickly . Life , not fully exercised , feeds upon itself , and peace proves as fatal as war .
So much for the use of warlike pursuits as exercises . But they have a further use , rather obvious in these days . You cite against me the example of the Continent : I have rather the right to cite it against you . The peoples have consented to waive their right of arms , and to permit the establishment of an armed class , separated from the body of the people ; hence the people ate easily enslaved . If the patriot , "the
virtuous man , the man who knows right from wrong , does not retain on his side the science of fighting , ipso facto he p laces all that he holds good and sacred , with himself , at the mercy of the barbarian . France has won her liberties , tardily , with many a backsliding , but still moving forward in the main ; she has won these victories by the pen , but also by the sword . She loses them when her patriots cannot fight bo well as her slaves .
The possession of the sword does determine the settlement of internal as well as external questions . An armed people is the arbiter of its own freedom , equally against the external foe and the internal traitor . It does not follow that the people is necessarily turbulent . I am not , however , overfond of statements in the subjunctive mood . You may show me , I admit , instances of a people corrupted and subdued , although armed—possibly because they had lost a sufficiency of chivalrous virtue : but to make le
out your case , you must show me a peoptliat had retained its freedom , its material welfare , and its greatness , after it had ceased to boar arms . I know that England is now undergoing an experiment of that kind—a very hazardous experiment ; but I thank God for the belief , tliat at the first aspect of real danger , yielding to ihe glorious old impulse , England will throw up the experiment . You assume that right and force must bo opposed to one another . I ft'eed not point out to you how that bogs the question . I would ask you to find any other definition of " right , " [ in the sense of " jus , " not of justice ] than the union of conviction with power j I would ask you to
pain were worse than an ' ener vated luxury , than the sufferings which peae ^ tolerates , or the endurance of bondage . You apeak as if the use * of thei sword must be cruel unbrotherly . inhuman . Has the sword never vindicatea Humanity P The arbitrament of the sword , indeed , has one quality invaluable in all stages before w ^ arrive at final truth t it leaves conviction untouched , and settles only the otW
and death evils cite the instance <> f any people , greatand actively beneficent to mankind , which was not , at W period of its greatness , also a warlike , if nofc » conquering people ; and I would ask you if con viction shouldHot seek to wed itself , even for itown fulfilment , with power p .. ' . n t <) r its In iajMling the metaphysics pf this subiect you speak ^ m defiance g f all known truth aslif
halt of tight , which is nnght ; and th ^ s , when the adherents of two opinions are conflicting , ft determines which shall rule * withotit bondage to the conquered opinion . If victory induce tyranny , it is because the faith Of war is at a low standard and chivalry has degenerated to mere soldiering —the trait of a rude or of an unwarlike people ! If the adherents of ther conquered opinion desire to recover the victory , they niust train themselves , and recruit their forces , until they can add might to conviction . Y 6 u may complain until the mnleninuni , of that stern necessity ; but it exists . I do not think that it is wise , or safe , or
just to saCTed interests , When we act as if-we had already attained the ^ inJliennium , or got within sight of it ; and I derive consolation from finding that wheneVier any number of my countrymen collected together are reminded of the duty of being prepared to defend the liberties of themselves > and of their country , the truth of the appeal is attested by the ringing response . * Ever your sincere mend , Thobntost Hunt .
BTTBOPB IN AMEBICA . _ Eueopeans have borne the flag of vietoiryon the plain of America . A French flag had already been upheld in the Rio de la Plata : the SchleBwig Holsteiners have led the armies of the Banda Oriental against the conquered Bosas . Cortez and Wolfe fought before Washington and Jefferson had proclaimed the policy of keeping America American , and abstaining from Europe ; but it is impossible to maintain . that policy ,-and the Holsteiners are but pioneers . Cuba will perhaps witness the next display of European valour—will it also be , of European victory P The ' Schleswig Holsteiners lent spirit to a liberating army : how completely might an American legion in Europe supply the converse of that example . It is a question of time—who shall begin first in good earnest , Europo in America , or America in Europe .
* I must qualify this : since I wrote it , I ^ ff ^ * ° tummbly of my countrymen shrink from »» »" the subject 1
^^¦^ MM ^^ M ^^ V ^ M LOUIS BOWAFABTB PBSOBIBED BY SHAKSPBABE . Hbnbt IV ., Part I . Act iv .. Scone 1 . " Akd when he was not six-and-twenty strong , Sick in the world ' s regard , wretched and low , A poor unminded Outlaw , sneaking home : . ' , . . We gave him welcome to the shore } And when wo heard him swear , and vow to God , He came to be ( of service to the State ) , To sue his livery , and bog his peace , With tears of innocence , and terms of zeal : ( We ) in kind heart , and pity moved , Swore him assistance , and perform'd it , too ; Met him in boroughs , cities , villages , Xaid gifts before him following him , Even at the heels , in golden multitudes . Ho presently , as greatness knows itself , Stops mo a little higher than his vow , , Made .... while his blood was poor ; And now , forsooth , takes on him to reform Some certain Edicts , and some strait Decrees , Tliat lay too heavy on the Commonwealth 5 Cries out upon abuses , seems to weep Over tho country ' s wrongs ; and , by this iftco , This seeming brow of justice , did ho win The hearts of all that he did angle for : Broke oath on oath , committed wrong on wro * b > And , in conclusion , drove us to seek out This head of safety ; and withal to pry Into his Title , too , the which wo find Too indirect for long continuance" ^^ ^____^
m ¦ . . . / IKE P ADEK : : V . l ;\^ - ^ C SiiTORDAYV ¦¦ ¦ ¦¦¦¦¦ ' : . .- '•¦ - ' . ' - i ^_ i i ¦•' . ¦ ' ¦ ¦'• ¦ ' v- " . . '"¦ . ¦''¦ ' . ! . _' . j _ v — ;> LJ— -- —* J— -- —^^^^^^^ S ^ m ^^^^^^^ mlim ^ immma ^^ ^^^^^^ JZL * 2 JLJ—L ^ L ^^ - . " - ¦ '; \
Leader (1850-1860), March 20, 1852, page 276, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1927/page/16/