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Leader (1850-1860), 24th April 1852, Edition Town of 2, Page 393

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      Untitled Article

      SATITEDAYi April 24 The House of Commons occupied almost the whole of last evening in-along debate , whicn lasted till one o ' clock this morning , and was then adjourned , oh the MiHtia Bill , ; which was strongly contested . Allthe sneakers , however , admitted the necessity of increased defences ; though the rpiemhers of the party attached to the late Ministry Spoke as if there were no need for hurry in theTnatter , . \ . .,,. / . . _ J of tie for the second of

      On the order day reading the hill , Sir . Di ' li ' ACr Evans moved that the bill be read a second time that day three months . He contended that if tbi military force now spread over our colonies were concentrated , and made available for home defence , there would be no need of a militia at all ; but if such a force were to be raised , he should prefer that Its character be local , as proposed hy the late Oovernment , rather than general . In seeonding this amendment , Mr . Rich ( a Lord of the Treasury , under iprd John Russell ) objected that the scheme embodied in the bill would instruct in the use of arms only one class of the people , to whom it

      was least desirable to inqipart this instruction . In lieu of a militia , he proposed to extend the yeomanry force , to arm and discipline the constabulary police , and to increase the numbers and efficiency of the battalions of pensioners , according to a plan which he developed . An aggregate force might thus be collected for the defence of the country of 2 b 6 , 06 Q men . Mr . Law Hodges and Mr . FjsteDE ^ iCK Peeii spoke on the same side . Mr . Peei took his position on the opinion of the late Lord Ilafdwicke , that a nation of shopkeepers , artisans , and manufacturers should be defended by regular soldiers . Looking on a militia as useless in time of peace , and unserviceable in time of war , he should cordially support the amendment . . v

      Mr . NewDeoate retorted that Mr . Peel bad supported the principle of a militia under Lord John Russell ' s bill ; and he advanced the argument , subsequently urged with more force by Sir John Pakington , that no one had grappled with the proposition contained in the letter of the Duke of Wellington hi 1847 , who thought the defences of the country not such as in common prudence they ought to be ; and that the most expedient and economical mode of providing an addition to those defences was by the old plan of a militia . Colonel ChattertON and litr Philip Howabd also supported the bill .

      Sir Robert Feeii delivered a curious speech . Having no faith in universal brotherhood , he was opposed to any permanent reduction of our military establishmentf , exorbitantly expensive as they are ; but he blamed the late Government , and especially Lord Pahnerston , for fomenting a panic ; and ho wholly condemned a militia . Coming into power by the spontaneous combustion of their predecessors , the present Ministry could do no other than tako the measure up . Making a general reference to Lord Derby ' s Government , Sir Robert declared that he should support it so long as it did not attempt to subvert the free trade policy of his father ..

      Lord John Russexii made a party speech against tho bill ; giving the preference to the local militia proposed by his own Ministry , with a better arrangement of our existing military force . There were two modes of making soldiers , one by the influence of patriotic excitement , as in the case of Cromwell ' s cavalry , tho other by disciplino and drill ; but the present plan had not the advantage of oither . Tho motive to serve was to bo entirely mercenary—the men would take tho 6 L ,

      Kei've tho 21 days , iind when afterwards wanted might perhaps bo working on tho railways in Canada , and then wo should have n raw and undisciplined force to meet tho enemy . Tho rejection of tho measure would not exonerate Ministers from the duty of providing , by o' / ur means , for tho defence of tho country . Nor could it afreet thorn as a Government ; for , like tho pheasants , Jt appeared they wore not to bo brought down till the 1 st of October .

      LOhb Palmerbton endeavoured to restoro tho do->>« to to a national purpose , —tho defonco and security <> t tho realm ; having witnessed with pain tho courHo taken by Lord John ltusaoll and thoso who acted with him . Grout misapprehension provaila with regard to t'lo poaition of the country in roferonco to its dofenco , Jt > h , iiripossiblo to reckon with confidence upon tho iion-occurronco of eonio unforeseen ovont which may requiro tho country to resist or to submit to injury . p « mo any , " Why alarm youraqlvos with tho fear of invasion ? " Because circumstances have in tho last iew years materially changed ; tho facilities for invasion hnvo incrotwed , and our force , regulars and pensioner * , w inouflloioht to meet « uch an emergency . Thorp , are

      two ways in which this deficiency might be made good —one by adding materially to our standing army , to which he decidedly objected—for 8 , 000 regulars would cost as much as $ 0 , 000 militia : the other by a militia force . The main difference between the bills of the two Governments is , that in this one voluntary enlistment is the rule , compulsory enlistment the exception ; whereas in that of the late Government compulsory service was the rule , and voluntary service the exception ; so that the reason why the late Government opposed this biU must be because it was not compulsory enough .

      The noble Lord says— - Ah , but my ballot is a very different thing from yours . " In what the difference consisted he omitted , however , to explain , except it -was that his ballot Would bo air accumulated upon one particular class of the community , whereas this ballot would not only be deferred , but would be spread over a very wide range . "Oh , " but the noble Lord says , " mine would be a discriminating ballot—it would bring you good subjects , bring you only worthy men , of proper habits and good conduct , who would return home to their families all the better men for the training they had received . Whereas , your ballot I it would bring nothing but bad subjects and worthless people , who would vanish the moment you wanted them . " Now , sir , I have not that opinion of the people of England . ( Cheers . ) I believe that you wiU not find 80 , 000

      men Who will take the bounty and then go off to America . ( Eenewed cheers . ) I may be wrong in this view . I may perhaps , in my simplicity of nature —( laughter)—have top good an opinion 6 f the British people , but I really do believe that , making the abatement -which must bo always made for occasional default in a large body of men , my belief is that , if you do proceed to raise by voluntary enlistment for a militia , or an army of reserve , or whatever you like to call it , you will be able to get tho number together you want ; and they would obey their country ' s call , even if the real danger arrived . Regarding the measure as calculated to do essential good to the country , he should vote for the second reading , and go into committee in a friendly spirit , with a view to improve the measure . ( Loud Ministeriale&eers . ) ¦

      Oil the motion of Mr . MoiTATT , the debate was acF journed till Mondayi Earlier in the evening , explanations took place between Sir James Weir Hogg and Mr . Anstey respecting certain statements made by the latter , on Monday , with reference to Colonel Outram and the affairs of Baroda ; Sir James ; on the part of the gallant officer , disclaiming any participation by him . " in those statements j which Mr . Anstey avowed he had made onTiis ^ own responsibility .

      Untitled Article

      MAXtEMOISELXE JOHANNA WAGNEB . In Vice Chancellor Parker ' s Court , yesterday , Mr . Bacon and Mr . H . Clark moved ex parte , for an injunction to restrain Mademoiselle Johanna Wagner from singing at the Royal Italian Opera , Covent Garden , and to restrain Mr . Albert Wagner , and Mr . Frederick Gye from promoting such singing without the permission of Mr . Lumley . In November last , Mr . Lumloy , through Dr . Bachor , ( a mutual friend , ) concluded an engagement with Mdllo . Wagner , cantatr ice at the court of the King of Prussia , to appear at Her Majesty ' s Theatro at Xondon , and sing twice a week for three months , beginning on the 1 st of April , 1862 . Sho was to appear in six operas , and no other cantatrieo was to presume to sing tho said parts during her engagement . Iler salary to bo 4 > O 0 J . per month , a sum of 300 / . in advance was to be paid at Berlin on March 15 th . Mdlle . Wagner agreeing , under a clauso added by Baeher , not to appear at any other theatro without Mr . Lumloy ' s consent . On tho 9 th of March , Mr . Wagner wrote asking for a postpone ment of his daughter ' s appearanco until April 16 th . On . this account tho 8002 . appears not to havo been paid , though Mr . Wagnor was apprised that Dr . Bachor had it in hand ready to pay . On tho 10 th instant , Mr . Lumley recoived notices that hia agreement was broken by tho non-payment of tho 800 J . on tho day specified , and that in tho interim , Madllo . Wagnor had engaged with Mr . Gyo , for much higher terms , to appear at Covent Garden on tho 21 st , undor representations untruo as . to Mr . Lumloy ' s Thoatro . Mr . Lumloy estimates his pecuniary loss at 80 , 0002 ., if Madllo Wagnor bo allowed so to break her engagement .

      Mr . Malins ( witli Mr . Martindalo ) contended that tho paynaont of tho 8002 . was a condition preliminary to tho obligation binding on tho doiondants , which therefore , must fail ; also that tho additional clauso signOd by Dr . Baolior was inserted without thoir authority , and that it had not been ratified by them . Tho Vice Chancellor had no doubt that tho contract ( tho only contract which Mr . Lumloy sig ned , and tho defendant * posHOSHod ) included tho laut articlo signod by . Dr . Baohor , and Mr . and Mdllo . Wagnor had roforrcd to that vory claxiso without protesting against it .. Now , it nn

      individual contract to perform an act for valuable consideration , and , as part of tho samo contract , to forbear to do whatever was inoonKiatont with it , thifj court will . interfere by injunction to ' restrain from acting in doro / jation of tho lattor part , althou gh it might bo unablo to eniorco npooifio performance of tho former part , of tho ugrocinont . As to tho objection that tho 800 ( 5 . had not boon paid at tho precioo time npociftod , tho transactions botwoon tl ^ o parties Hhowod that tho right to payment at tlio time had boon waived . His Honour granted tho exparto injunction , but gave , tho defendants loavo to move to-morrow ( this day ) to dissolve it .

      Untitled Article

      MAINTENANCE OP THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT . In spite of one-sided oeconomy and of a more onesided philanthropy , our empire in India is bene ^ fieial both to this country and to the natives . Not indeed so beneficial as it might be to either ; but recent changes have improved it for both . In spite of conflicting opinions and conflicting interests , of narrow professional or political views , on the whole the concurrent exertions of Anglo-Indians and English politicians are in the right direction ; we only want more of the same kind . If the intended inquiry under Mr . Herries's

      committee can be of any service , it will not be so much in supplying more information , where we have abundance already , as in freeing the practical opinion from a useless deference ^ to certain notions and prejudices which prevent its effective action , and in concentrating authority upon , a definite purpose . India must not be governed on fancies , or we might soon see that fancy indulged which , inclines to throw away the Empire ; but upon facts , and tlie facts show us how our rule may be strengthened while we render the t doubly available lor tootnjbngnsxi

      vasterritory . .-man and Hindu . Our dominion is based on the Indian sense of our power , on our superior intelligence , and our moral force : but if we want to maintain the dominion , we must come to a distinct understanding with ourselves as to the mode in which those elements of strength are presented to the Indian mind . Oar moral force , for example , is not based upon an appreciation of morals such as would hold good ra Exeter Hall , or in the prelections of the professor of Moral Philosophy at Edinburgh ; but on the feeling in native India

      that we understand better than the Hindus themselves the arts of public life , and especially the art of retaining dominion and profiting by it . " John Coompany" is worshipped in a species of political demonologyi as the transcendant man of business , who knows how to fill his treasury , and beat every opponent . Who knows how to be cheated , on occasion , with a discriminating sagacity superhuman , and suited to his abstract existence . But tho native appreciation of our moral force will bo strengthened and developed in proportion as wo train the natives to understand it . And our empire in India depends upon

      our not being stationary . We havo made some progress in the true direction , but only enough to show how much more we might make . By keeping the natives only in tho subordinate offices , however well qualified they may be , we not only fill them with a natural exasperation , but wo compel them to fall back for consideration among their own race , upon their own institutions alien to ours ; and wo thus keep up a sort of imperium sub imjperio htostilo to any pormancnt establishment of our own ]) ower . We might give the highest class pf native talent a footing on British institutions ; what we do is , to

      insist on their keeping to their own . If wo attompt something different , it is in tho shapo of religious missions—which do no good . Tho progress of Christianity in India is confessedly slow , and what appearance there is of it is mostly dolusion or cant . Tho whole training of tho Hindu mind alienates the race from Christianity . Its dogmata they hold to bo beneath tho notice of speculators who can display much more rofinod and abstruso excogitations . Its moral is miles above their level . The mind indelibly moulded in caste , addictod to suttee , and enslaved to childish ceremonial , cannot comprehend tho sublimity of tho faith , which , as Charles Kingsley proclaims , teaches freedom , brotherhood , and equal rights ; especially when its pioneers arc a military

      Untitled Article

      A *« m ; 24 , 1852 . ] THE LEADER ' V ^ ¦ ¦ ¦ ' . .- ¦ ¦¦ ¦ ' ' ' ' ' ¦* '¦_ ' ____ ^ 1 1 ¦ . ' —¦¦¦— i ¦ . _ ^ ___ ^ _ : ^^ I——^—

      Untitled Article

      There is nothing so revolutionary , because there 13 nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is "by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Db . Abnold .

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      ic . — : t- : ¦ . ¦ - ¦ SATURDAY , APBIk 24 , 1852 .

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  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), April 24, 1852, page 393, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1932/page/13/