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    upon Italy . Czar and Kaiser are shaking hands over the grave of liberty in that Peninsula , and the Pope blesses the bonds . At Verona the Illuminated Square of St . Mark ' s s # ^ s $ <^ adveviij a symbol of the popular rejoicing and of tie national welcome to the Pastors , of iKfiitions . "While Naples , under Austrian patronage , is coercing Poerio , and mourning the decease of the righteous Navarro ; while Lord Malmesbury and Jjoift ? Napoleon are aiding to settle the succession and consolidation of the Danish kingdom , our

    author ities , having paid due honourto Rosas , are ostentatiously entertaining the brother of the King of Naples . The fact speaks volumes—it speaks blue books .

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    THE WEEK IN PARLIAMENT . THE MILITIA BII . Ii . Mr . Cobden , vine Mr . Milner Gibson superseded , assumed the command of the rump of the anti-militia party on Monday . On the order of the day being read to go into Committee on the Bill , he moved the following amendment : — " That , to enable this House the better to consider the provisions of the Militia Bill , a return of the effective force of the royal navy on the 31 st day of March last he laid on the table of the House ; such return to contain the follovring particulars—viz ., 1 st . The names , armaments , number of crews and officers of all Her Majesty ' s ships then employed on active service , the _ stations on which they are employed , and the length of time each vessel has been employed on each station respectively , distinguishing steamvessels from sailing vessels , and also Bteamvessels propelled by screws from those propelled by paddlewheelsyand stating the nominal horse power of the engines of each vessel . 2 ndly . The same of all reserve or advance ships , with the ports at which they are now placed , and a statement of the periods which would be required to send them to sea in a fit state for active service ; and that the consideration of the bill in committee be postponed until after the production of such return . " .

    His speech , on this text was very long , crammed with statistical statements , and arguments founded on them , to show that we had adequate forces at our command if we used them , properly ; that ' our ships were on foreign stations , where they were not wanted ; that we had nineteen war vessels in the Mediterranean , nine more that Sir George Cockburn said was necessary ; that no danger was to be apprehended from Prance ; that war could not break out on a sudden and surprise us ; and that we had a navy which could sweep the sea of the combined fleets of the world . The tone of his speech was aggressive / On the French question he gave another specimen of the high estimation in which Louis Napoleon is held at Manchester and in the West Riding : —

    " It was no light matter to rush into hostilities with a people so brave , so wealthy , and so industrious as the people of this empire ; but they were told that the character of the President of the French republic was daring and resolute . Ho was afraid they were oil too open to the blame of being willing to regard success aa the test of merit ; but Louis TNapoleon had shown himself to bo no fool—after all said , he was no blockhead . Tho people of France acquiesced in hia rule—he had a larger civil list than the Queen of England—everything with him was couleur do rose ; and yet it was said he would make a descent on our shores . Soon after tho outcry of invasion was raised he ( Mr . Cobden ) had written to a friend in and

    Paris , whoso name had been quoted in the House , was well known in Europe , and he had asked him for any facts to controvert tho silly outcry . His answer was in two lines : — ' Louis Napoleon , to make war , must do bo through one of his generals ; if tho general succeeds he will eclipse Louis tfapoloon , if he fails he will ruin him ( hear hoar ) , and if I wrote a wholo volume I could not say more . ' Ho ( Mr . Cobden ) was not there to argue they should trust to the good sense or forbearance of any power whatovor ; but ho said they had no reason to infer Louis Napoleo n contemplated anything so suicidal as to make a descent upon the shores of England . ' At tha tail of liis speech ho shocked tho country party by hia presumptions in favour of the great

    towns . "Ho was ashamed to press tho subjeot further , bocause there was scarcoly a man of common sonso in tho Se at centres of intelligence ( ironical ohoorhig from the inistoriul bonclioa)—thoro mig ht in some parts of tho country , and in country constituencies , bo found men who believed in tho French invasion—but in tho circles in which ho ( Mr , Cobdon ) movod—among people of Free-. trade opinions , ho could , not find any ono who roally imagined the French wore coming to invado us . " Mr . ANDBBSOlf seconded the proposition . In reply ,

    Mr . STAFFORD tauntod Mr . Cobdon with hurrying over the votes of supply , to facilitate tho despatch of publio business , and then bringing on this motion to facilitate delay ; while Mr . Cobby retorted that Mr . Cobden Boomed to have all tho information ho wanted , and yot bo asked for more . The difleronco botween us and tho French was , that while wo had q , much moro powerful navy , they bad greater facilities for concentrating theiro in tho channel . Mr- Cabtbb ( of

    Tavistock ) supporlW , and Captain BOEpEEp opposed * Mr . Cobden . jib ' Bbi&hi * ndade an extraordinary speech , replete Mih . the stock arguments of the opponents of militia in general , aild something more He attacked the press as vehemently as Lord jperby himself . ' . . ' ¦ ' ¦ ' . " ' ¦" ¦ ¦ . ¦¦ .. v ' . . ' '¦ .,, . : ' -. ' « Look a ^ ili e conduct of our press . He did not wish the English press to shut its mouth when anything wad enacted in foreign nations which it ? believed to be contrary to freedom ; but cur press had for two months maintained an incessant daily fire of accusations against the ruler , and too often against the people of France . The Freneh press during all that time , though under the control of the President , had never retaliated , or attempted to create in the minds of the French people a feeling antagonistic to ltne sate

    the people of this country . He would admit , or of argument , that the French President had _ shown greed of power , that he was cool , reserved , calculating , and unscrupulous ; but it must be remembered that he was _ approved by the majority of the French population ; and , if there were one reason more than another why he was so , it was because he had not plunged them into war . He admitted that they did not like the theory of his government , but if the French people , disagreeing m that ; yet supported him because he had given them a permanent or temporary repose , the House might depend upon it that they would not rest a single instant if he should manifest the slightest intention of sending a , piratical or marauding expedition against this country . There were no preparations made in France . ' '

    Turning upon Lord Palmerston , he made a rather effective charge . " What was the noble lord afraid of ? He could hardly be serious in anticipating an invasion of 50 , 000 men from a ruler whose extraordinary conduct in December last he had thought it right to applaud . He ( Mr . Bright ) was not sure that in his despatch the noble lord did not say that he thought the peace of Europe would be made safer by the course Louis Napoleon took upon this occasion . ( Hear , hear ;) . But he would say at once that the noble lord was no authority with him on questions of this nature , ( A laugh . ) He did not pretend to set his opinion against the noble lord ' s . The House probably thought the noble lord

    a much better authority than he ( Mr . iftignt ; was . ( Cheers from the Ministerial benches . ) The views of the noble lord with regard to a militia were perfectly consistent with his political schemes . The-establishment . of a militiar would liberate so many soldiers for foreign service . The creed of the noble lord , so far as he ( Mr . Bright ) had observed , had always been' in favour of universal diplomacy and incessant interference with other countries . He wished always to have the power , as he always seemed to have the disposition , of cajoling or bullying somebody or anrne * fnrfiicm cnuntrv . ( Lauehter . ' ) The hon . and learned

    gentleman the membe r for Sheffield , who was his great champ ion two yeara ago , on one occasion called the noble lord ' a lucifer match . ' He ( Mr . Bright ) presumed that this great military force was required as an extinguisher in case of any case of incendiarism breaking out . ( Eenewed laughter . ) But he thought the country had alread y paid enough for some of the projects of the noble lord with regard to Africa , Brazil , and elsewhere . ( Cries of' Divide . ' ) The efforts of the noble lord to do so much for freedom abroad , while he did so little for it at home , reminded him of one of the characters in tho new work of Mr . Dickens , so much so that ho felt disposed to call him the Mrs . Jellaby of statesmen . ( Laughter . )"

    The Press , attacked by the Radical Member for Manchester , found a vindicator in the Tory Whiteside . After defending the bill , showing that tho reason valid with Mr . Pitt—that France was a , military power , and that its resources were centred in one man —was valid now , and citing the landing of Humbert in Killalii Bay as a proof of the possibility of French ships evading our cruising fleet , Mr . Whitbside uttered the following manly and national sentiments . " Tho hon . Member for Manchester had criticised tho conduct of the press . Ho ( Mr . Whitesido ) admitted that tho press of Eng land had spoken out freely and boldly , and ho believed it would continue to do so . That press was npwerful and respected becauso it raised a fearless and

    independent voice , and ho had no doubt it would continue to denounce tho usurpations of dospoticpower , and to proclaim tho wrongs of suffering virtuo . But thoro might be danger from that fact ; indeed , there was danger in the freo institutions of this country ; and ho considered that tho very fact of tho existence of freo institutions in England , and tho destruction of froo institutions in other countries , justified a Government in establishing a militia . And why a militia P Because it was dofensive ; because it was only intended for protection , and could not bo rogarded as an insult to any foreign power . It was a force solely and simpl y for polf-dofonco . " Mr . MaOGBEGOB , who had previously moved the adjournment of tho debate , now pressed bis motion , and tho House divided .

    For tho adjournment , 68 ; against it , 291 ; ¦ Majority against , 223 , After some further skirmishing , Ministers consented to adjourn until Tuesday . On this day the debate opened with a bluff but dull speech from Captain ScobeIjL in opposition . He was answered by an equally dull opoeoh by Sir Habby Vebniy ; who was replied to in bis turn by Mr . Gbantmsy Bebkbliy . Alluding to Mr . Brig ht ' s speech of tho day before , bo said—" Tho hon . member for Manchester hftd called the noble lord , tho member for Tiverton , ' the Mrs . Jellaby of statesmen . ' Ho ( Mr . 0 . Berkeley ) rewemborod two characters , in

    another story , -vthoM name * were singularly applicable to the hon ;;^ B ^ lH ^ - ' | i »^ e 'We 8 fc IMding and the hon member for Manchester . The one was called f tJh * happy John / and the other « Miserable Dick > ( Laughter . ) " ^ . SirI > e Jjacy Evans , Major Beresfofd , Sir P . Baring Captaiii Buncombe , Mr . Hume , added nothing to the arguments and statements a thousand times repeated on ttiis question . " v .

    Mr * ChartebIS made an apt quotation from a speech delivered by Mr . Wyndbam fifty years ago : " Mr . Wyndham ^ fiaid : — - ' " 'We were told daily of the impracticability of invasion by many eminent lawyers , by many sound divines , many worthy country gentlemen , many respectable merchants many skilful agriculturists , many intelligent manufecturers , many very handsome ) women . The only person s from whom we did not hear these opinions ¦ were our soldiers and sailors . ( Cheer ? and laughter . ) Ask a sailor whether , with any superiority of naval force , he could insure the country against an invading army ? He would tell you that he could not engage that an enemy should

    not effect a disembarkation on various pomts , even in considerable force . But put this question to a landsman—to a man who perhaps never saw the sea but from Margate or Brighton—who never embarked in anything but a bathing-machine—aird he would tell you that to talk of invading a country in the face of a superior navy was the idlest of all follies , and that as long as we had our wooden walls—he would more properly say , our wooden heads—( laughter ) , We should never treat invasion otherwise than as a threat fit only to frighten children / That speech was delivered in 1803 , and in the following year all England was up in arms to repel a threatened invasionfrom France ( Hear , hear . )"

    Mr . MiTOHEiiii and Mr . Cowpeb followed in the beaten track . Buirat this stage of the debate , Lord Palmerston arose , and from a dull , uninteresting discussion , tHe House passed at once to a spirited contest Making' some preliminary observations onthe dogmatic character of the debate , Lord PaIiMebston stated thecase between Mniself and Mr . Cobden and his friends , as follows : — "If I am wrong , and the advice I give is followed , at all events the country is safe ( cheers . ) If they are wrong , and the advice they give is followed , the country may be ruined ( loud cheers ) . Now , sir , these hon . gentlemen

    dispute authorities . ( Hear , hear . ) They will not admit the opinions of officers of great experience , of sailors , and others , high in their profession , as to the danger which they call upon the country to guard against . These gentlemen , whose habits of Bfe have made them conversant with the peaceful arts , with , manufactures , and with industry—who know nothing of war ^ or of the chances of war ( cheers)—who know nothing of the means of war , or how a war ought to be carried on—these gentlemen wish to lull the country into a feeling of security , and prevent Parliament from adopting any means to provide for its defence . ( Hearhear . ) Butsirthese hon . gentlemen

    , , , have disputed English authorities . We have just heard , however , from an hon . friend of mine the opinion of foreign authorities , which is exactly the same as the opinion of the English authorities . ( Hear , hear . ) But , sir , I have heard ( and I believe the truth of what I have heard ) -that an opinion was expressed by a high foreign authority « eanng on this question . I have heard , and believe it , that tn e lato King ' of the French , when he visited this fovaatj after the dispute which arose on the question about A ** 1 " ( and , by-the-bye , it is not inopportune or irrelevant , to this matter , to remind the House that on that occasion , yfhen < - ) . » nAiinfm woo tvn t \ ia nnir \ h nf hfiinct enfiTaffed , tOtaUy

    unprepared , in a war with a powerful neighbour on tnai very question , the very men who were loudest in deciamatipns calculated to bring on a rupture , are the monwno are now preaching peace ( cheers ) r-I have heard , a say , that on that occasion thi » King of the French , rejoicing w the peaceful termination of the dispute , stated that , wnaiever ho might have been told by his generals at the time , he felt certain that if a rupture had taken pw ^ V JPf would have undertaken in a week to have beenm ^ ° " . - ( Cheers . ) That opinion , I think , may have some weigm , although those hon . gentlemen look with distrust upon the opinions of English generals and English admiral * . ( Hearhoar . )

    , _ _ , , ___ Ho then alluded to somo matters which bad bco stated in the course of tho debate , and proceeded to review a wonderful pamphlet , published by the pa party . . f njngo " Now , Bir , I have tho greatest possible respect tot ^ opinions which aro sincere and founded in deep c « x ] iko and thoroforo I am far from treating with a W ™™ s mn disrespect those opinions which I think are a * " oasur 0 of much of the opposition which we find to the £ ™ d now under discussion . ( Hour , hear . ) The 80 opinions thcflo convictions havo not hitherto boon fully » "" " * bufc _ i _ i _ . l 1 Al _ l . _! . „„„ J .. ^ 1 mn naot in thl 8 ( IOU »'' f „ siut niu —

    cu uy » u wjiw u » yo w » D « jjjw * - - - i .,,. ^ broafw / these opinions and these convictions have poeu ftn ( 1 etatod in a pamphlet which I how hold jn fry " *" ^ of Which I do not think unworthy of tho coneidoratio ^ ^ gentlemen who turn thejr minda to ihujubjeoi . „ tioU > pamphlqfc ably written , and in it , after eonoufl n > ^^ tho principlo is laid down , that it is contrary ™ hoUgh ho tian religion to do violence to . any man , even . ^ may bo Sn enemy . Bir , the object of tbvfli p * " * g ho Bhow tliatifc is the Oliriatian duty of tins country ^ conquorcd by Franco . ( Cheers and . WfP * g { ah . or , pamphlet , which boars the titlo of ' Tho Kji » ^ ueing tho fcuty of Soldiers' ( a verjr odd duty ) , J *» ^ loinon-( dialogue supposed to tako Piaco botweon tw > p dcOio ur « Ono of the speakers in thia dialogue paints w jj ^ j gtifit tlw rosulti of m wnoppowd Inrwion . ** - ° W'

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• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), May 8, 1852, page 430, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1934/page/2/