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    to poison your skin , and he will no more suffer you to enter his house in a great coat than the Teetotaler would allow you to bring in a bottle of wine . A third friend invites you to a Christmas festivity , and lets all his fires out , as he conscientiously objects to poison your lungs by the relaxing effeminacy of warm air . Another refuses to give you coffee at breakfast , or your wife tea in the afternoon , as he conscientiously objects to poison your nerves with those deleterious drugs- You fall ill under such unexpected usages and the want of the accustomed conditions of your life , and

    send for your medical adviser . But you cannot have him at your friend ' s house . He is a decided Homceopathist j and unless you will swallow certain globules of " arsenicum , " " belladonna , " " njix vomica , " "lycopodium / ' or < f tOxicodendron , " in which you have no kind of faith , you may perish . Your friend ' s conscience will not condescend or consent to let you poison yourself by allopathic mixtures and compounds . What is this rule of conduct but the old Papist , Protestant , and Dissenting intolerance , which dictated the form and spirit in which men should worship God , under the pretence that they could not conscientiously allow men to poison their souls by creeds and doctrines unapproved by them . This

    is a principle which , instead of making you respect conscience as the beautiful rule of a man ' s own life , makes you curse it as the source of public fanaticism and of private rudeness , as that which converts the table of friendly hospitality into a bear garden of contending and intolerant sectaries . "No , sir , " added the outraged litterateur , " if this is your doctrine , may it perish with you . Order my cab , and direct the driver to some inn where there is more civility and less pretension to public virtue . For they are more excusable who put an enemy into their mouths to steal away their brains than they who , pretending to a virtue others iave not , put a dogma into their heads to steal away their manners . "

    Here was the instance of an educated gentleman , of unblemished private habits , of remarkable abstemiousness , treated with Vandal coarseness , and forced , at a late hour , into the streets , to seek some other public asylum , where he could be supplied with the ordinary conditions of his own health . And these cases are of common occurrence . It will be said this gentleman ought not to have been directed to such a place . Granted ; but may it not be asked why such places , with the title of Temperance Hotels , should be conducted so as to disgust everybody with that wholesome name , and to make it impossible for a public speaker to revert to it , who otherwise might extend its influence among the people . There are some

    few Temperance Hotels in the provinces from which this intolerance is banished , but the gentlemen who keep them are all tabooed by their worthy colleagues of the Teetotal Committee . We have no right to complain of false professors , who bring true religion into contempt—of violent democrats , or denunciatory republicans , who endanger public freedom and the cause of popular government by their excesses—while we affect silence , if not approbation , with regard to a body of men who arrogate to themselves the virtue of sobriety and good will to the populace , and all along display the very intoxication of imputation and uncharitableness , and demoralise in new respects the manners of those whom they affect to save .

    Wo claim to be considered the truo friends of this said Temperance cause , to write for its reformation , and to save it from the dangers to which it exposes itself ; and we believe that many of its intelligent supporters will agree that there is some truth in our representation !) , and some cause for our remonstrances . The present writer has the pleasure of knowing many active , eminent , and lil > erul friends of this cuuhc , who deplore , with him , the exaggerations and extravagances which deface it .

    We will pursue this subject further , and devote a low paragraphs also to the Anti-Slavery advocacy ( ai most noble cause ) , which is open to the saino objections , mid which , in the name of a very noisy humanity , contrives , year by year , to rivet the fetters of the poor negro fasior than before . Ion . Wiiitje AND BJ .. AOK f-5 r , AVKfl . —I have no doubt there nro ninny nhrew < l people in your country who any , and many shallow people iu both countries who echo the

    paying , that there is very little substantial dUlcrcuce between tho condition of tho English labourer n , nd that of the American slave . There is , however , even iu our poorest districts iind in the worst of tiinon , all the difference that exists between huin . uiity and barbarism ; between the dignified suffering of 11 man oppressed by untoward cinuiiliHtauiceH , and the aibjcct wretchedness of another driven about like ai beaist in yhort between manhood uud brutehood . •— - JjVaser ' s Mat / qzitw . — August .

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    THE LATE CO-OPERATIVE CONFERENCE . ( To the Editor of the Leader . ) London , August 9 th , 1852 . Sib , —A paragraph having appeared in the Leader of Saturday , August the 7 th , stating , " It may satisfy inquirers to know that we did not exclude the report of the Co-operative Conference—which we had prepared last week—because of its sectarian and exclusive character , so damaging as we conceive to the interests advocated by that conference , " &c ., —permit me to remark , that if it be meant by the above that the report

    you had prepared was of a " sectarian and exclusive character , " you acted wisely in withholding its publication ; but if it be meant that the Conference itself was of a sectarian and exclusive character , I think the remark could only have been made under some misapprehension of the character and proceedings of that body . I should therefore feel much obliged , and I am sure the delegates who attended that Conference will also be glad to learn from you , in the next number of the Leader , in what the sectarian and exclusive character of the Conference consisted . Waiting your reply ,

    1 am , Sir , your obedient servant , Thomas Shoetee , Secretary to the Conference . [ Our correspondent ex ojficio labours under a gratuitous difficulty in not being able to divine whether the report we prepared , or the Conference , was " sectarian and exclusive . " We applied those terms to the Conference . We received a letter from Mr . Shorter , on July 13 th , requesting us to give publicity to the fact of the Conference being about to be held , but no invitation to

    attend its proceedings reached this journal . As this discourtesy was not put upon some of our contemporaries , who have laboured less than ourselves in the same cause , we presumed that , with respect to us , the omission was intentional . On the other part of the constitution of tho Conference we do not now enter . Mr . Vansittart Neale ' s letter , which we give below—so much more explanatory and courteous in tone—will be read with satisfaction by the friends of universal cooperation . —Ed . 1

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    LETTER FROM MR . E . VANSITTART NEALE . ( To the Editor qfthe Leader . ) August 11 , 1852 . DiSAB Siu , —In your paper of tho 7 th instant there are some observations relating to tho lato Co-operative Conference which impute to it a " accturiun and exclusive character , damaging to tho interests it advocated . " I presume that these observations take their rise in the circumstance of the greater number of associations represented at that Conference , and of tho persons who took pairt in it , happening to be connected with the \ hh \ j known as Christian Socialists . You must , however , allow nie to state , from personal knowledgo , that this circumstance arose , not from the wamt of invitations having 1 m : ch sent to other botlios of am associative character , nor ( rom any attempt made to excludo persons not connected with the Christian Socialist * , but simply because few conn > arutively of those iuvitod to semi delegates chose to do so , and thotu ) were principally the associations more- especially connected with tho Society for Promoting Working Men ' n Associations . Invitations were sent to overy eo-operativo body of which the address wan known to those who convened tho meeting ; and if ou thia first oceaHion the greater number of the auwociationtt which miHwerod tho invitation huppcucil to bo acquainted witU tho inviterw , this it * a circuuitttujice to bo expected nt tho commencement

    of such an undertaking , and one which will not , I hone recur on a future occasion , when the intention ' of hold ' ing a Conference will be better known , and the localitv selected for holding it will be in the neighbourhood of a great body of co-operative associations . It was th hope of the conveners of the Conference that most of the leading characters known to be favourable to associative views in London would , have been present , and sit as delegates from different associative bodies , who by the terms of the invitation for holding the ' Con ' ference , were not confined in their choice to members of their own associations . On another occasion i

    trust that we may find as members of the Conference all , or most , at least , of those whose names are connected by public reputation with % he advocacy of cooperation , as the representatives of associative bodies , and that by their presence all appearance of exclusiveness in the constitution of the Conference will he effectually removed . . Those who were present at the meeting know that the exclusiveness was in appearance only : from beginning to end the discussions turned entirely on practical subjects interesting to all assocUtive bodies , and were as devoid of all sectarian character as it was possible for them to be ; and if the circumstances which I have mentioned gave to the

    Conference an appearance of exclusiveness , the conveners of it are not fairly chargeable with a result which they endeavoured to avoid , and individually regret . I am , Sir , yours truly , E . Vansittaet Nbaie .

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    VON BECK AT BIRMINGHAM . ( To the Editor qfthe Leader . ) Birmingham , August 10 , 1952 . Dsab Sib , —¦ ' In your impression of the 31 st nit ., appeared a leading article on " The Von Beck Case , " with which I fully agree , and regard it as one of the fairest summaries of the facts of the case the press has yet issued . "An Old Subscriber , " dating from this town , in making some remarks on a passage in that article , says , that Mr . Dawson ' s brother-in-law gave , as the medical adviser of the " Baroness , " his opinion , that " any sudden excitement , or the exertion of walking up stairs , might cause her death , " and therefore implies , that the fatal issue might have been foreseen . On this I would beg to remark , that after this opinion had been given by Mr . Crampton , the pseudo Baroness had so far recovered as go out both in a carriage and on foot , that on tho night previous to her arrest she was dancing , and on the same night would have taken part in private theatricals—rather exciting amusements . Now , I would ask , with these facts before them , and with the full conviction that the woman was an impostor , what else could the defendants have done but agree to her immediate arrest .

    It is much to be regretted that , with only the ex parte statements at present before the public , persons should be so rash , so forgetful of tho dictates of common justice and fair play , usually considered the especial characteristics of the English people , as to prejudge a case in which the character , reputation , and honour of their fellow men are involved . I am , Dear Sir , yours truly , ANOTITEE Oil ) SlTBSCEIBEB .

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    THE PROVINCE OP TOLERATION . ( To the Editor of the Leader . ) Sie , —I am often surprised at the forbearance you exorcise towards your enemies . I admire your tolcra ^ o " of thoso who , however much they abusp you , recpgniso your right to tho opinions you may hold ; but toward " those who sacrifice all individual liberty of thought w > an idea of conformity , I think toleration is at Q » W dauigerous and wrong in principle .

    With those who admit private judgment , tho freedom of speech or propagaudism is mutual liberty . But tlio case isjfur different with those who ignore and anat hematise all opinions but thoso which pr iests may consider orthodox ; I hold , then , that he who ignores my conscience has no right to expect his own to be respected I have been led to these remarks by your short

    paragraph of last week , on " M utual Toleration ; »" whatever version you may put upon " free ) thoug i > free Hiieech , free development for all , " I consider royse ^ a consistent advocate of free thought when 1 ^ J another the right to usurp my liberty . I think tr liberty does not consist in such proceeding , y ™ than true honesty con « i « ts in giving to your neigM >

    goods to which ho ban no claim . I know not but this position may be false or J »* £ doxical , but I fuel that some distinction ought -to drawn between the admittem and deniers of pnv judgmont . ~ -Youw , truly , . Babnbb .

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    780 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,

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    There is no learned map . but will confess lie hath , much profited by reading controversies , his senses awakened , and nis judgment sharpened . If , then , it be profitable for him . to read , why should it not , at least , b e tolerable for his adversary to write . —MiiToir .

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    fl lT THIS DBPABTMENT , AS AM . OPIITIOITS , HOWBVBB BXTBBMB ABB AlilOWED AW BXFBBSSION , THB IDITOB JTECBSflABIIT pOLDS HIMSELF BESEOITSIBLB IOB KONB /]

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• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 14, 1852, page 780, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1947/page/16/