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The French really have made that move in the Mexican province of Sonora which wa § asserted some ti me back , and half confrniJiptesU A Geneml Raousset Boulbon , at the head of pjgiit hundrfed Frenchmen , has taken the province ( jjf gohora , and " annexed it to France . " As So ^ ra lies contiguous to the south er ** boirodafy of
Anglo-American California , th # men of the United States are likely to claim a voice on any question of annexation ; and we do not know how the Jeffersonian doctrine of non-intervention is likely to stand this trying provocation . Indeed , Jefferson himself would have resisted the aggression ; but how ?
And another advance has been made by the French , who have taken possession of Samana , in Dominica , a post commanding the passage of Mola , one of the keys of the West Indies . Truly the doctrine of non-intervention is tested rather severely just now ! California has been visited by three assaults of her worst enemy — fire ; Maryville has been ravaged ; San Francisco has suffered severely , though saved by its fire-proof buildings ; but Sacramento has been destroyed—again to rise in a few days , and recommence business .
The chapter of calamities at home is gloomier than usual . A tempest of wind swept over the whole of the British Isles on Saturday and Sunday . Every inland town has its story of uprooted trees and scattered roofs and chimneys to mark the force of the gale . Every seaport has been the scene of wrecks , in some cases with the loss of life . On the North-Western Railway last week , there
were four accidents in forty-eight hours ; two happening to one train between Derby and London ! Mr . Bower , who stabbed Mr . Saville Morton , in September , has been acquitted by the Paris Court of Assize ; bearing out the anticipation that a French jury would not convict a husband for the impulsive homicide of his wife ' s seducer , though himself confessedly taking licence in his own conduct !
THE PARLIAMENT OF THE WEEK . THE MINISTERIAL PEOGEAMME . Fairly installed in office , in one week , the House of Lords met on Monday to hear from the new Premier a statement of his intentions . There was rather a scanty attendance of peers ; hut large numbers of Commoners occupied all the places available ; and many ladies were in the side galleries . The Earl of Aberdeen , the Marquis of Luusdowne , the Earl of Clarendon , the Duko of Newcastle , Earl Granville , the Earl of St . Germans , and Lord Cranworth , occupied the front Ministerial bench . The Earl of Derby , the Earl of Lonsdale , the Earl of Mahnesbury , Lord Colchester , and other inomlxTS of the late Government , sat on the lower Opposition bench .
Lord Aberdeen spoke shortly after £ > o clock as follows : " My lords , before moving tho adjournment of the House , it is my duty , as it in my desire , to givo to your lordships tho requisite information respecting tho recent construction of her Majesty ' s Ministry , and to indicate , although very brieily , tho principles which will occupy our attention , and tho general policy which we propose to pursue . My lords , 1 believe it htvn been usual for many who have been placed in tho situation in wlu ' eh i now have tho honour to stand , to profess the dittidenee and reluctance with which they have undertaken tho task imposed upon
thorn . I doubt not they have done so in porf < 50 t truth and sincerity ; but , if this has boon tho case with others , your lordships may easily imagine how much more largely I must sharo in thoso feelings . Your lordships must Ik ; aware that 1 have taken but little part in the proceedings of this House , except on such occasions as when they Imvo boon necessarily connected with the department in which I have had the honour to hold office ; and your lordships may readily beliovo that my tastes , habits , and pursuits have laid in another way . Arrived at , tho very verge of that period which has been assigned to human life , it might neo » n that other dution , other tasks , and other occupations
might , more naturally , have been my choice . Nevertheless , 1 have felt it , to bo my duty to oboy the commands of her Majesty . My lords , before I describe proceedings _ which have recently taken place , 1 wish to advert to a cWftnntituueo which J urwit'i-rttood occurred a few days ago in this House , when the u <> l > lo curl opposite , at a time not altogether usual , accunecl me and those who acted with mo of having entered into a upturn of combination or conspiracy to overthrow lun ( Jovoruiucnt . My lords , . 1 believe that accusation was answered ni , Uio time liy my noblo friend , the noble duke near nui ; iiHvnrtlinlenn , I Wish to add that my share in such a conspiracy was not for the purpose of ejecting the- noblo owl from olHt-o , but , for tho purpouo of
keeping him in Q&ce . When it appeared from the equivocal and ajfljjjguous paragraph in her Majesty ' s spepeb tfc t it wa § i * diiBpeai * bly neceasajry that some resolution SJtould be n } # yed—sQjao # declaration should be made © f the q 4 y « mtage 3 Qjf Free « $ w * le—my onfy anxiety was that the tems of th »| resolution should be / such as that noble lords and their colleagues mig ht accept it without doing violence to their own feelings , « id that it might be consistent with th # policy they meant to pursue , Tftose term * were framed and adopted , and Bingularly enough , they had the effect intended by those who prepared them , namely , that of enabling noble lords to retain the offices they held , and , in fact , enabling them to do so by the assistance and votes of
the very conspirators themselves . My lords , if any further evidence were required of the nature of this conspiracy , I have to state that , precisely at that time , I had myself taken measures to engage a residence at Nice , with a firm determination of passing the few winter months on the shores of the Mediterranean . So much for the conspiracy . My lords , on Saturday week I received—after tho vote of the previous Thursday night in the House of Commons , and the resignation of the noble lord and his colleagues—I received on Saturday week a message from the Queen desiring my attendance at the Isle of Wight , and informing me , at the same time , that her Majesty had . been pleased to summon my noble friend the noble marquis near me
( the Marquis of Lansdowne ) , to attend at the same time . On communicating with my noble friend , I found that , from indisposition , he was unable at that time to leave hi 3 house . I therefore thought it incumbent on me to wait her Majesty ' s further direction . I received this on the following day ; and , my lords , I confess it appeared to me that the time had arrived when it was possible for men whose political differences the course of events , and recent legislation , had almost , if not altogether effaced , and whose personal respect and friendship had never been interrupted —( hear , hear )—I say I thought the time had come when it was possible for such persons to act together in the public service . ( Hear , hear . ) I thought that the public—that
the country—was tired of distinctions without meaning , and which had no real effect on tlie conduct and princi p of public men . ( Hear , hear , ) My lords , it appeared to me that if my noble friend the member for the City of London should entertain the same views and feelings , I might attempt to undertake the task which I now have undertaken , but without his aid I should in vain have attempted it . I had neither the youth , the strength , nor the ability sufficient for the task , without his assistance ; but having had an interview with my noble friend the day before I went to the Isle of Wight , I ascertained that his sentiments were entirely in accordance with my own ; and I therefore had no difficulty in assuring her Majesty that I would endeavour to fulfil the task which she had been pleased to impose upon ms . My lords , on my return from
the Isle of Wight , I lost no time in endeavouring to fulfil the injunctions of her Majesty ; and I do not say that this task was attended with no difficulty , but this I will say , that I found in every quarter the greatest desire to lay aside all personal views and objects , and cordiall y to unite , as far as possible , in the promotion of that anxious desire which we believed to be snared in by the country . ( Hear , hear . ) My lords , in the course of the week I succeeded in preparing a list for her Majesty ' s approval—a list which was fortunate enough to receive the approbation of her Majesty , and which now stands for the judgment of tho country . ( Hear . ) The noble lord opposite stated that he thought I might have done this in twenty-four hours , but
I can assure him that I found it could not bo so quickly and easily accomplished . ( Hear , hear . ) Proceeding , very briefly , to touch on tho different political points connected with the object and policy of her Majesty ' s Ministers , I need not detain your lordships at any length upon the nature of our relations with foreign powers . The truth is , that for tho last thirty years the principles of the foreign policy of this country havo never varied . There may have been differences in its execution , according to the different hands entrusted with the direction of that policy ; but the foundation of the foreign policy of this country for tho lost thirty years lias been the same—it has been tho respect duo to all independent states—a desire to abstain as much
as possible from tho internal affairs of other countries—an assertion of our own honour and interests—and , above all , an earnest desire to secure tho general peace of Kurope by all such means as wo have in our power . ( Hear . ) 1 do not say that differences may not have existed , or that sympathy may not have boon excited on behalf of certain states in their endeavour to promote constitutional reforms , and constitutional government ; but the principle of our policy has always been to respect the entire independence of other states , great or email , and not to interfere with their internal affairs . This 1 trust will be still the case , and that wo shall retain tho friendship and deserve the good will of all countries of every description , whatever
may be tho nature of their government or constitution . ( Hear . ) And if ever it should be tho nito of this country to bo called upon to interfere in any matters of foreign stales , my earnest desire and great hope is that we Hliull never be called upon to act except to exercise the blessed office of peace makers . ( Hear . ) . But , my lords , earnestly as 1 desire to soo u eonfiniiuneo of peace , and anxious as I am to promote peace , at the same time , J am b y no means disposed to relax in those defensive preparations which have boon recently undertaken , and which perhaps , had been too long delayed—not that these preparations indicate iiiiy expectation of the necessity of arming in hostile array ;
on tho contrary , they are conducted m the interest of peace it . solf ; and as these preparations are essentially defensive , they ought not and cannot givo umbrage to any foreign power whatever . My lords , the great object of her Majesty ' s present Government , the great characteristic of this Government in Uio mission with which they are peculiarly entrusted , is tho muiutonaiieo and tlie prudont extension of 1 'Yoo-trade , and the commercial and financial system established by the late Kir . Robert . Pool . 1 do not outer into any ditjeuuuion of tho respective merits of direct or indirect taxation . Tho union of both 1 beliovo to bo
indispensable , \ xq ^§ fer they may be varied in their application , for the pjotperity of the country . With a revenue such ae ours , both , wodae of taxation are indispensable , and it is to the jusfc distribution and application of these principles that we are fco look for the prosperity of the country . A financial crisis ¦ will probably—I may almost say , necessarily—arise by the early cessation or a large branch of our reveaue . It ia the first object for which we should provide . It must be met , and doubtless it will tax the ingenuity and ability of all those concerned in this Undertaking to accomplish that great work according to the principles of justice and equity . My lords , there is another matter to which I may refer , in which the country is deeply interested , and on which a general expectation exists—tho extension of national education . This has become a want
—a want which the country strongly desires to see supplied , and which has engrossed the attention of all who have undertaken the direction of public affairs . I am old enough to remember the introduction into this country of the Bell and L ancaster system of education , and I well remember the apprehensions it excited , the opposition it met with ; but , by degrees , the only difference now amongst us is , not whether or no education should be general and universal , but the mode in which it can best be carried into effect . I admit that the subject ia full of difficulties , and attended with many great obstacles . It is undoubtedly my great desire , recognising , as I do , the vital importance of the relig ious element in all education , to see the due influence of the church exercised in a manner consistently -with that perfect right of freedom of opinion which all men are
entitled to expect in such matters in this country , and which it has long been our pride to acknowledge . My lords , another want which I may say the people have now been demanding for some time , has been the progress of those law reforms which , introduced by Her Majesty ' s late government , have been taken up by the noble and learned lord upon the woolsack , and prosecuted with so much vigour and ability and judgment in his hands . These reforms must still be continued , and no doubt they will meet with the concurrence of your lordships , and will finally tend to the satisfaction of the public . My lords , by the extension of education , and by the progress of law reform , ! trust that the social condition of the country will be materially improved ; and that , by the progress which it will be our endeavour to make in all matters for the
welfare and happiness of the country—by cautious and steady progress in this direction—that both intellectually and materially the condition of the people may be advanced . My lords , these reforms will not exclude an amendment of our representative system—an amendment not rashly , nor hastily taken ; but safe , well considered , and efficient . My lords , it can scarcely be denied that some amendment of this system is required , and unquestionably the events of the last election have not been such as to render any one more enamoured of the system which actually exists . ( Hear , hear . ) My lords , the noble earl on the occasion to which I have alluded referred to the existence of a Conservative government , and expressed some surprise and
curiosity as to how I should be enabled to carry on the service of her Majesty , surrounded by those persons with whom I was likely to be associated . Now , my lords , I readily declare to the noble earl that in my opinion no government in this country is now possible except a Conservative government ; and I odd another declaration , which I take as indubitably true , that no government is possible in this country except a Liberal government . The truth is these terms have no definite meaning . ( Hear , hear . ) I never should havo thought of approaching my noble friend the member for the City of London ( Lord John liussell ) unless I had folt he was a Conservative , and I am sure he would never have associated himself with , mo unless
ho thought I had been a Liberal . My lords , these terms it may bo convenient to keep up for the purposes of party faction —( Hear , hear)—but the country is sick of these distinctions which have no real meaning , and which prevent men from acting together who are able to perform , good service to the crown and tho people . Therefore , my lords , I trust that in every just sense and in the reputation of the world , whatever the measures proposed by her Majosty ' g present government may be , they will be Conservative measures as well as Liberal measures , for , my lords , I consider both to be indispensably necessary to the country . Tho noblo lord ( the Earl of f ) erbv ) also referred to the dangers and the necessity of resisting the encroachments of democracy . Now , my lords , I am quite ready to unite in resisting tho encroachments of democracy or any other encroachments , but I am at a loss to sco whore theso encroachments exist .
and I . look in vain for any such indication at tho present moment . I should say , on the contrary , that I never recollect this country more tranquil , more contentod , lews abounding in subjects of danger and ularm , than at the present time ; and this prosperity , this contentment , and this happiness 1 believe to bo mainly owing to the system of Sir Robert Peel , which it is our business to uphold . No doubt speculative men , and thoughtful mon , havo at all times in this country , in their closets , come to tho conclusion that the democratic form of government may bo preferable to the monarchical ; but these are not tho mon to overthrow states , and are therefore not to bo feared in a state of society like ours . There muflt also always be men
rocklcss and violent , unprincipled and ready for any excoss and outrage , it is true ; but , at the same time , I repeat that there is less reason to entertain such apprehensions at tho present moment than I ever recollect in tho course of my life . ( Hear , hoar . ) 1 have great confidence in tjbo people of this country —( hoar , hoar ) —and I do believe that tho imputation , and even the exinteneo of alarm , at this moment , is almost a libel on tho people of Kngland . ( Hear , hour . ) My lords , 1 regret to have ueon informed that tho nobhi earl ( the Karl oi Derb y ) expressed himself in tones which indicated hostility to her Majesty ' s present government . 1 regret it deeply , because I well know the vast powers of the noble earl . J . am woll aware of all that ho in able to do ; but 1 behove and trust that , if it can only be made truly manifest that -we are inoeroly animated by u rcul deoire to promote tho w # lfi » r « of ***» ffWAt body
2 THB LtJADER . [ Saturday ,
Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 1, 1853, page 2, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1967/page/2/