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two successive years' famines , followed continuously by the flight of the people to America , to call the attention away from politics altogether ; at all events , from those routine " agitation " politics in which Ireland had travelled from 1830 . The gaze was fixed upon the social revolution in progress ; how to arrest it was the only question of the day . A leader appeared , and said , ' It is the land-law which is the cause of this misery of the people , of this flight , of this extinction ; let us get rid of the law under which such things can be . " Hence the Tenant Bight
agitation—the Tenant League—the Tenant Eight party in Parliament . Whence the second principle—Religious Equality P Lord John Russell wrote the Durham Letter , and proposed the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill . The Tenant Right party was almost wholly a Roman Catholic party , for it was the protector of a Roman Catholic people against a class of Protestant landlords . The new grievance was a new strength . The thirty or forty men known in the last Parliament as the " Brigade , " grew into the sixty or seventy men
known before Christmas as the " Irish party . " It was strong in numbers , in the enthusiasm with which the people regarded it , and in Parliamentary capabilities . And , as we said , it was a party which might create hopes in English Liberals ; for all the pledges which English Radicals had taken at the hustings , it had volunteered . It was essentially a Liberal party , thoroughly honourable to Ireland ; and that was a fact which was not to be lost sight of because an individual member of it here and there—such as
ultramontane Mr . Lucas—talked isolated bigotry about the Madiai , in which he was not backed by his party generally , and certainly not by the people of Ireland , who are good Catholics , but better Liberals . This party was to be " independent . " The vice of Irish members hitherto , nad been miserable dependence on the English Treasury ; and to remedy that , vows were not only made at the hustings , but resolutions were come to in solemn conclave , that there should be no more
placehunting—that Irish members should act for Irish interests , and not lose themselves in English parties — that they should act together , have caucuses before divisions , —be , in fact , a club , keeping together and voting together . The great point was that the " Irish party" would support no Ministry which declined to pass Crawford ' s Tenant Right Bill and repeal the Ecclesiastical
Titles Bill . This being attended to , the Irish party promised itself that , in tho even corP ? tests of the English sections of the House of Commons , it would hold the balance ; and that , consequently , tho Government of the day would have no option but to bond to it . In point of fact , the Irish party , which voted together in that division , took the credit , and got it , in Ireland , of having thrown out Lord Derby .
The Aberdeen Government being in course of formation , Mr . Keogh and Mr . Sadleir—chiefs in the party , the one from his Parliamentary aptitude and personal popularity , tho other from his tact as a manager of men—wcro offered and accepted subordinate offices . Whereupon the other chiefs declare " treason ; " summon vast meetings which , under the influence of their eloquence ,
condemn tho traitors ; and tho party is directed to do , and does , its utmost to prevent Messrs . Sadloir and Xeogli roturning to Parliament . Tho union of the people's friends , ho conspicuous , so national , at the general election , and up to Christmas , is no longer visible . Patriot in against patriot—priest against prioat ; and chaos is come again . And , as usual , tho Tories take advantage of chaos—and get in .
Which of the combatants in tho contest may bo right , English politicians arc very indisposed to stop to inquire . A general belief , indeed , on this Hide of the Channel , is that both are wrong ; and clearly that must have been a- hollow , fallacious organization , which was ho soon undone . But it is worth while for those who can regret the disappearance of a confederation capable , as it stood , of ho much benefit both to Ireland and
England , to consider whiil ; m the exact moaning of those who have ho vehemently denounced tho HccoderH . Mr . Miooro and Mr . Dully , tho abiding chiefs of the jparty , mean , in condemning their friendH , something which may be regarded in England as very practical , though unassuming , rebellion . They menu that all they have Haid of tho opportunities of thoir party ih to be taken literally , that " independence" ia " iaolution , "
and that there should be in the Imperial House of Commons , a body of gentlemen strong enough , in the balance of politics , to turn the scalp for or against Aberdeen , for or against Derby , who will put in a minority every Government not acceding to their principles . Now , obviously ,. Messrs . Moore and Duffy are talking nonsense if their premiss that they do hold the balance in the House of Commons , be not true . And if it be true that they do hold the balance , and that they do mean to render every Government impossible not adopting the complete Tenant-right Bill , and
not repeahng the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill , then it is sufficient answer to them to say that they happen to be far in advance not only of English Parliamentary parties , but of the English people —that no party—not even the extreme Radical party—would sanction the principle of Sharman Crawford ' s Bill ; assuredly that no party would now undertake to disturb a dead letter , by . repealing the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill : and that , therefore , if the Irish party should in the approaching session put Lord Aberdeen in a minority on any good measure—say a good Budget—because Lord Aberdeen would not do what the Irish party
chose to demand , they would raise such a storm in this country as might lead to something on the Statute-hook far worse than an inoperative insult . Clearly , then , isolation—opposition to every English Government not submitting to them—is an impracticable policy , and that it is so , is the defence of Messrs . Keogh and Sadleir ( supposing they had not hampered themselves with silly pledges against place ) in joining an English Government , headed by a man who opposed the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill , and which promises a liberal and generous policy to Ireland . The Irish party can only hope to attain its objects , or a portion of its objects , by junction with
English parties disposed , for the sake of its aid in numbers and in cleverness , to make terms with it ; and if a combination with one English party be a reasonable course , why not a combination with an English Government ? Very evidently Messrs . Moore and Duffy should have rejoiced at getting two of their own party in a Government which without that ingredient might have been less liberal—certainly less considerate to Roman-Catholic Ireland . There was no reason why the Irish party should cease to be because two of the Irish party went into office under a Liberal Government , just as there was no reason why there should be no more Radicals , because Mr . Osborne and Sir William Molesworth took office
under Lord Aberdeen . The Radicals did not denounce Sir William or Mr . Osborne , and the result is , that those gentlemen now belong more to the Radicals than they belong to the Government . Whereas , by denouncing Messrs . Keogh and Sadleir , the Irish party loses Keogh and Sadleir . Fatal error : and all because Irish politicians will not study that House of Commons , without which they can do nothing . But English politicians arc concerned and interested in the result ; for the loss of this Irish party is a loss to tho Liberal party generally . We may bo told that the Irish party is only minus two . Even if it were bo , it must live its
own recantation of the principle- on which it has condemned the two ; it cannot continue isolated ; it must combine with English parties : and may not find any better party than tho Government party to combine with . And in facing Parliament again , it will havo this to consider , that it has lost half its power in losing all jts prestige , in the exhibition it has effected of Irish disunion and personal discontent : and that now , instead of being regarded aa a party , it would bo suspected as a faction . But in truth there is no longer the Irish party ; it was nothing , if not representative of unanimity among the people . Perhaps tho danger was provoked by tho
secession ; l > ut seeing tho danger , it should not have been increased by the denunciation . The party had itH strength , not from itH demand for the repeal of the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill , but from its demand for n Tenant . Right Bill , and because in the hitter demand it waa supported by " the North , " by Ulster agitator * , m the preHH and the pulpit , and by Ulster M . P . 'h . Already a leader of the northern contingent has attempted to make peaeo , and having failed , is more likely to side with thono in whose favour he intervened than with tlio . se who would not listen to his good offices . And Mr . Moore is not the miui the northern M . V . ' h will bo inclined to follow ; HtilJ lean is Mr . Dully , who , a « they know , means ao
much more than they mean . An opportunity for a schism is not wanting , and very many will take advantage of it . Mr . Keogh is one of those statesmen who have a personal following , and the followers will not be wanting in excuses for "treachery , " more particularly as we have a " strong Government , " and there will be no general election for some time to come . So vanishes , therefore , the compact Irish party ; what dibris of it remains is not half so vicious as it flatters itself . The moral , however , is not wholly melancholy .
English journalists and politicians may be willing to see in what has taken place some evidence of the great error into which they fall in the stock conclusion that the Irish people are governed by the Irish priests . In thinking and talking about Ireland , we too often take for granted that there is an ecclesiastical , unvarying , consistent system in that country , and that the priests always act together . Again and again has this blunder been made palpable . The flourishing condition of the Irish colleges is proof positive that the synod of Thurles , so fearfully inveighed against here , was utterly inoperative ; and the complete subsidence
of Dr . Cullen and his ultramontanism suggests that the priests themselves are now the same liberals which they were when they returned O'Connell ' s enormous party in 1830—their first electioneering—4 o carry the Reform Bill . In this nstance , we have one set of priests , in Dr . Cullen ' s arch-diocese , backing Republican Mr . Duffy against Lord Aberdeen's Government ; while the diocesan bishops and their set of clergy are sustaining Messrs Sadleir and Keogh in Carlow and Athlone . The fact is—and if we recognise it , we shall avoid a great many other mistakes—the priests are only powerful when they take care to agree with the people around them .
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A VOICE YWQTSl INDIA . The Indian population is coming forward in other places besides Bombay and Poonah , and coming forward in a manner which shows how independently the several races are acting . It will be impossible , after the movement which is now proceeding in all the three presidencies , to make a show of collecting evidence on the East India Company's Charter , and to collect it only from the servants of the Company or Government . The people of India itself must be heard . We have already described the Bombay
petition : we might almost repeat that description as applying to the one from the native inhabitants of Calcutta , which urges the principal claims put forth by the men of . Bombay , especially a revision of the supreme government ; open legislation ; more education ; a return of the land revenue for local improvements ; a larger share in the administration for natives ; and in short , a more thoroughl y informed and efficient staff of Government . There is also a general demand
for onquiry into tho actual condition of India , and one or two suggestions are put forth for an . enquiry within the country itself . The people of Madras suggest that the existing Charter should be renewed only for one year , merely to give time for deliberation . Eor our own part , we should strongly favour such a settlement of the Charter as would leave tho improvement of the administration of India open to gradual revision in one branch after another .
Eor example , the present method of collecting the revenue is undergoing a revision within India itself , and it occasions some dissatisfaction . That it would be very inexpedient to deal roughly with tho native tenure of land must bo evident to any one who has the most superficial acquaintance ! with the subject . Already jealousies are excited so painful , that the very survey 1 mb provoked riots in the Candeish province of Bombay , which was in military occupation . Tho inquiry in tho Madras Presidency has drawn forth replies ho unfavourable to the prospects of the revenue , as to suggest a more than suspicion thai the occu-Mieir
piers are Hystemntioally underrating own condition in order to avoid some anticipated exaction ; and the Cutchee Mehmons , a class of Miilioinedans claiming to inherit under a Hindoo law , aro petitioning . Parliament that resnect may be shown to their traditional rights . It will be u great advantage for India when more simplicity and uniformity , with an English degree of certainty , shall bo introduced into the administration <> f the luvv <> n flueh subjects ; but , it , would be a grievous mistake to introduce confusion by liMMtily unsettling native tenuren , or to Hubstitute for tenures in many placcB theoretically better
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January 22 , 1853 . ] THE LEADER , 85
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Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 22, 1853, page 85, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1970/page/13/
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