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added his own belief that there were thousands of Irish Catholics more kindly inclined to the English constitution in consequence of the increased grant to Maynooth . In regard to Mr . Spooner's allegation that the Catholic clergy had forfeited all claim to consideration by . their conduct at the late elections , he would say that we should not be hasty to condemn , but consider the circumstances of excitement at those elections , at which persons who had not a chance of success started in opposition to the popular feeling , when they could only hope- to win by unconstitutional means . Then there were the proclamations against processions and the Stockport outrage . And there were sixty or eighty elections in Ireland , and 3000 priests , and yet , on the
evidence of ten or twelve papers , Mr . Spooner brought A charge against the whole body . After remonstrating with Mr . Spooner on his one-sided use of Scriptural language , he urged that there were some five millions of Roman Catholics in the kingdom , who paid perhaps ten millions to the revenue , and yet 30 , 000 £ . was grudged to this body for educational purposes . Mr . Spooner had complained of the persecuting spirit of Roman Catholicism , but though he himself could not actually persecute , the will was there , and he did all he could by excluding Catholics from posts of distinction . This was the beginning of a retrograde and condemned policy , of the kind to which great part of the evils of Ireland were to be attributed . The
Protes-Jtants , being a majority , were to be urged to disregard the wishes and feelings of the Catholic minority . But he appealed to the Protestants of the House not to be turned from their onward course , but to go on in their calm strength , and in the light of their own pure faith , disregarding any ingratitude they might have met , and avoiding even the appearance of persecution , by rejecting this motion by a large majority . Mr . Stanhope spoke warmly against both the principle and the working of the Maynooth grant . It being then past midnight , Mr . Fagan moved the adjournment of the debate , which was agreed to , but not without cries for a division .
Bull as had been the debate on Tuesday it grew duller on Wednesday ; and we may dispose of it in few words without inflicting its weariness on our readers . With the stock arguments which had been exhausted on the previous day , Mr . Fagan , Mr . Ball , Lord Stanley , and others , defended either the college of Maynooth , or the grant to the college . The House was extremely impatient for a division . The only fillip to the debate came from Mr / LixcAS , who charged the movers of the amendment with being actuated by the name feelings of bigotry as the movers of the motion . The House loudly denied it , but- Mr . Lucas
spiritedly sustained the paradox . Next he attacked the Irish Established Church , in a rather dashing manner , declaring that its endowments had been established by robbery . He ridiculed the mqtion as being supported by the tails of both the parties , with the consent of the heads of neither . For a time he kept the House quiet , but at length even ho was obliged to give way . The cries of " Divide" were now lusty and continuous ; and after an interrupted and eccentric speecli from Mr . Drummond , an unheard oration from Lord Claude Hamilton , and some disputing about adjourning the debate , the House actually went to a division witli the hand of the clock rapidly approaching six .
The question put was whether the words in the original motion , proposed by the amendment to bo left out , should bo retained , which was negatived by l'J 2 to 162 . This destroyed the vitality of Mr . Si'OONEu ' h motion ; but it being now nix o ' clock the amendment could not ho put , so that the main question remained to be disposed of .
JEWISH DI 8 AUIIilTIES . This long-vexed question was brought before the House of Commons on Thursday , by Lord John Kirfls kll , who moved foi' n committee of the whole bouse to take into consideration certain civil disabilities affecting the Jews . He hoped that , Sir It . II . Inglis would not offer any opposition ut that sta < re . Sir It . H . Inglis said ho most decidedly should oppose the committee .
Lord John would then bo obliged to explain the measure ho contemplated . He hIiouUI have preferred h measure dealing with parliamentary oaths in generjil , which ho thought ought , to bo limited to one Aim pic outh , but this could not bo introduced without raining other discussion * not now necessary . Ho proposed , therefore , by n . Keparute enactment to eompleto the edifice of religious liberty . He inig-ht ljo told that the Jews were neither numerous , powerful , nor agitators . They had nothing but reason , justice , and expediency on their Hide , arguments to winch ho hoped the generosity of the Housu would induce it to listen . He proceeded to lay down the proposition , that in no time in tho history of tliin country since disabilities hud been iin ]> oscd , had they been grounded u pon a
difference of faith . On a former occasion he had endeavoured to prove that the words which excluded the Jews , namely , " On the true faith of a Christian , " had been framed with no such intention , a view which had been corroborated by Mr . Baron Alderson , on the hearing of the case of Mr . Salomons . That oath was merely an oath of allegiance , and originally designed against mental reservations . The question was whether , because a man believed in the Old Testament , and not in the ! New , you were to deprive him of political power
and civil liberty ? The Jews were British subjects who held land and property , who enjoyed many civil privileges , and discharged many duties , were ready to swear allegiance to the Queen , and bore financial burdens which were unhesitatingly imposed , and there existed no right to debar them from the rewards of British subjects . He wound up us follows : — " What , then , are the arguments—what , then , are the reasons—why you should not admit them to the full privileges of British subjects ? I really believe there is no conclusive argument , and that there is no satisfactory reason why they should not be admitted ; and that there remains nothinar but ureiudice—nothinsr but the prejudice and the
notion , that you are a Christian nation and a Christian legislature , and that you degrade the nation and the legislature by the admission of Jews . If the nation is a Christian nation , as it is , it will remain a Christian nation after Jews are admitted to this house ; and if the great majority —nearly all—of the members of this house be Christian 3 after this law has been passed , tho name of a Christian legislature can hardly pass away . Greatly , indeed , were it to be wished that that Christianity which we pray for according to the beautiful form of the Church of Englandthat we should hold the faith in the unity of the Spirit , in the fcond of peace , and in righteousness of life '—was the prayer , that it might be accomplished for all the members
of this legislature . I have always said it is no matter of indifference whether the Christian character should or should not prevail in your Houses of Parliament . I have always said that religion has no business apartfrom the business of life ; certainly it has none apart or separate from the business of legislation . When I say this , I mean that spirit of union to which I have referred . But when , instead of ' the unity of the spirit' you have diversity of doctrine ; when , instead of' the bond of peace , ' you have nothing but contention ; and when , in p lace of ' righteousness of life , ' you have stich men as Wilkes introduced into this house , I ask , what are the benefits of your oath , and in what way
does that oath secure that you are a Christian legislature ? ( Hear , hear . ) Let us then not attempt to found our Christianity upon so flimsy and so worthless a foundation . ( Cheers . ) If , as I trust is the case , the Christian character prevails more now than it did a century ago—if it prevails more in the nation , if it prevails more in the legislature , it is not because you maintain , this oath . It is because of greater attention to religious duties , and from a better inculcation of Christian doctrine . Kely upon this , that though you may have two or three persons of t he Jewish faith in your House of Commons , this house will bear the character of a Christian legislature far more truly than it did when Gibbon waa one of its ornaments . And
if that is the case , I ask you to do away with this remaining persecution—I ask you to do away with this remaining disqualification—and say that your doors shall be open to men of- the Jewish faith—British subjects—men upon whoso loyalty you can rely—mon of whose co-operation you will bo glad . So doing , you can then with a clear conscience say , ' Whatever other nations may do , wo hold aloft the principle of religious liberty , and wo grant that liberty to men who differ from us in religious opinion . '
( Cheers . ) Sir , I ask tho houso to agree to go into committee upon this subject . I ask you to tako away this disqualification , and then you may nay with truth . ' Having for wiso political reasons done away with other disqualifications , wo have done away with this disqualification solely upon tho grounds of truth and justice ; ' and that you hud no othor grounds to go upon ; for upon that truth and justico you have founded your truly Christian character . ( Cheers . )"
Sir K . H . Ingus explained that lie had refused to assent to go into committee on the principle on which he should abstain from opening the door to a thief desirous of breaking into his house . lie believed the course urged by Lord John Russell opposed to the civil and religious liberty of the country , and to the progress of tho business of that House . Power was a trust , which the State might delegate , but it wjis the inherent right of no man , and it was to be exercised in reference to infinitely higher subjects than men ; money . Parliament was called together by the Queen to legislate ! for this interests of the nation . The first estate of the
realm was the Church—our first interest was our religion ; and were those who called our Lord an iiupo-ttor to frame enactments on blasphemy—those who believed the ( lospel to bo fables to make lawn for OhristiiuiH—( . host ; who disbelieved in 1 , 1 m day of judgment to lngii « late by the side of Christian men ? The argument that , they were low was precisely that which had been urged in the cast ! of the Catholics , an experiment tlie MiceesH of which would hardly tempt the noble lord to repeat it on any Klage , largo or nni ; ill . He then argued that the Jcwh were a separate nation , and that it wan their distinctive boast , and declared that they had no right to what wan asked for them hh a measure of expediency . In further answer to Lord John IluHHcll , he cited a Mr . Vun Oven ' s pamphlet , in which it was deliberately asserted that , havinir
admitted Jews to civil rights , England was not a Christian nation . Another of bis reasons against the measure was his fear that the Keeper of the Sovereign ' s Conscience might one day be a Jew . Neither Wilkes nor Gibbon , he urged , ever blasphemed Christianity in that House , and their hypocrisy was the homage vice was compelled to pay to virtue . If , be said , we admitted the Jew , we must admit the . avowed heathen and the avowed Mahometan , and ultimatel y destroy the Christian character of the Legislature ; and he concluded by announcing his intention to resist the measure .
Sir Robert Peel admitted that this was an excellent opportunity of showing our approbation of civil and religious liberty , and he took occasion to compliment Lord J . Ivuspell for his despatch in the case of the Madiai , and to defend the cour . se which had been adopted by the Swiss cantons in . regard to the Jesuits . But he did not think that tho introduction of the Jews into Parliament had jmything to do with civil or relig ious liberty . The Jews were not dissatisfied with their exclusion from Parliament , and tjiat lie could not consent to do away with the legislation of 168 S . As to the paucity of the Jews , he certainly did not believe that any constituency , except that of London , would confide its interests to a Hebrew ; but there was no knowing what might occur . He urged ,
in answer to the vaunt that bad been made of Jewish virtues , that the evidence taken by the committee on the Juvenile Ouendevs Bill , showed that the Jews were the chief instigators of metropolitan crime , by the facilities they afforded for the conveyance of stolen property . The atFair seemed a personal one of Lord John Russell ' s . He then adverted to Mr . Rothschild as a rich man , but one whoso fortune bad the character of being accumulated in ways not entitling him to respect . There had , he said , been no greater enemies to European liberty than , the Rothschild family . He expressed an earnest hope that the House of Lords would reject this measure , to which , in accordance he believed witli the feeling of the country , he gave his most determined opposition .
Viscount Moxck and Mr . Napier respectively supported and opposed the motion . Lord IhtTTMLANKia announced bis conversion to the cause of the Jews amidst ironical applause verging upon uproar . Mr . Wigeam : opposed the motion both on political and religious grounds . Mr . Dig by Seymour supported the motion on the ground that tho best way to Christianise the Jews was to admit them into tho House . Colonel Sirthorp opposed the motion upon every possible ground , and with every variety of invective .
A vigorous call for a division at this point did not prevent Mr . M . O'Connetvl from insisting upon being heard . The lion , member did not find many listeners , and on a division being pressed the motion was carried by 234 to 205 . The result was hailed with loud cheers . The House then went into committee , and agreed to a formal resolution for the removal of Jewish Disabilities . AUSTRALIAN POLICY . Sir John Pakinqtox , on Tliunuhiy , called the attention of the House to the condition of the Australian colonies , and the question of transportation . After adverting to the history of Australia , to tho < jfold discovery , which , in one year , had produced 10 , 000 , 000 / . sterling , and to the progress of cm ignition , he said thufc his object was to stnte the policy of" the late Administration as to the future government of these colonies , and to ask the present Ministers whether they intended to pursue the same policy . He then entered into a detailed account of the statistics of the colonies .
Nothing- could be more rcinnrkulilc than tho rapid progren » of Now South Wales from the period at which it ceased to bo exclusively a convict , colony , and when the departure of many freemen from this country to reside on it . n shores «* ave it , the interest ; at tueiiini" to Ihoso denenrn '" > w i dencies of the (' rown to which the inhabitants of thin country curried their energies and industry . In the year 18 M 0 die imports of New South Wales amounted in value to 4 > 2 O , 41 HJ . and tho exports to i : Jl , 4 ( il / ., whilst , the population numbered 50 , 000 . Passing" over t w cut v years , to 18 f >() , ho found that , in that your tin imports of New South Wales had increased to 1 ,. "IM . 'J , II . V ., and the . exports to 1 ,. ' { 57 , 7847 . ( Hear , hear . ) This rdimvcd an astonishingly rapid inercmie in the material prosperity of tho territory , which wan still more cxlniordiiiiiry duriiiL' - the . following
yenr , 1 H 51 , in which ho had already mentioned that the gold discoveries took place . The import * for Unit , year roKo ( o l , r )( i ; i ) !); U / ., nii ( l the exports to 1 , 7 ! X > , !) 1 ' _ 7 ; and tho population , which in IN . 'fO was onlv f > f > , OOO , hail increased to 107 , 15 . 1 , or in round numbers 'JOO . . TIiiim the imports lor 1 S 5 I were at the minimal , if not unprecedented , rafo of about . Hf . a head of the population of all agoa , ami tho exports at the rate of about ' , )/ . il head of all il ^ os . Port , Philip wart colonised in IKli'i in opposition to tho ( Jovernnient of that day . In 1 H 15 , after ( ho lapso of only ten years , tho imports of this infant , sell lenient , amounted to 248 , 000 / ., the exports to 't < 51 , < M ) O / ., mid tho population to 28 , 000 . lu lHol , after nix yearn more had passed , the imports had risen to l , 02 ( t , ( XM ) £ ., ami tho exporla to 1 , 128 , 000 / ., whilst the liguroM of tho population hud been
Untitled Article
February 26 , 1853 . ] THE LEADER , 195
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 26, 1853, page 195, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1975/page/3/
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