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chances . Canterbury is a cathedral city , with an excess of ecclesiastical organization ; and in such a case , proximity to churches being proved not to be identical with intimacy with Christianity , what is there left to eay in favour of the Establishment . ? Then the voters who were bribed were poor voters ; and the Radical remedy would increase the supply so as to reduce the price , and then when they could not get money to vote for , they would vote for conscience sake ; or—give them the ballot—and they would take the money , and still vote for conscience sake . Again , the corruptors are the party for Church and State . Mr-Forbes Mackenzie , whose name was mentioned , and
who is proved to have given a large sum . of money for corrupt purposes , will , of course , be summoned , and placed in the witness box , there to be treated "by the indignant and ingenuous Anstcy as roughly as Mr . Coppoek was in the St . Alban ' s inquiry : and what a magnificent spectacle it will be for the hyper-Protestant party which selected Mr . Mackenzie , as the most likely and pious man for no-popery Liverpool , to behold that gentleman in the confessional , narrating the ways and means by which the country which , is proud of the Reformed Religion , and abhors Maynooth for its " sinful teachings , " is bought up for Lord Derby , the Protestant and the chivalrous ! And when Mr .
Mackenzie , an M . P ., has contritely confessed , will the House punish him as they talk of punishing Mr . Stafford ? And if Mr . Mackenzie , who else ? If Lord John acts up to the spirit of his Dock Yards Bill and his vote against Sir Frederick Smith in the Chatham case , he would rapidly produce this double result : he would abolish all the constituencies , and not leave a single member ! For a " leader" that is a very brave policy , but puzzling in a man who has a Reform Bill nearly due .
The four days holiday would have been a great gain to public business if Lord Derby and Mr . Disraeli had returned with a policy for their party : but there are no signs that so desirable an idea has yet been hit on by those personages . They find fault- —it is the only defect they can detect—in the coalition for postponing all principles : but how far more unlucky are the Tories—that they have no principles even to postpone . Lord Derby , we may conceive , has a possible policy : he may fall back upon the intense Toryism which will always be a distinguished feature of large masses of influential English society : and as the leader of the
bigoted and the backward—those who pray for sectarian legislation , and insist on class legislation—he will always , safe from contempt in his peerage and his wealth , be a conspicuous and very powerful politician . But this is not the policy , we may presume to take for granted , which Mr . Disraeli would sanction , or would contribute to . It seems understood , indeed , that he is bent upon making a vast effort to lift his friends to a level with his own conceptions of the truo principles and purpose of a Conservative party . Mr . Disraeli , in 1853 , desires to see again the party he had built up in 1846—the party which was sneeringly called " Young England , " but which he regarded as the true Conservative confederation on tho genuine Tory basis . The Protection—versus Free Trade—struggle , which
destroyed so much , and created so much , swept away tho brilliant band of Young Eiigluiuler » ; but , that struggle over , and the new commercial policy accepted , the Conservative party is now where it was in 1846—in that posif ion which Coningsby sketched—and now Mr . Disraeli feels himself prompted again to apply his re-creative theories . And he has this advantage now which-he did not possess before , —¦ there are at present no Whigs . Mr . Gladstone Iuih taken up national finance where Sir Robert Peel left it , and Mr . Gladstone is tho ( lovornment ; tho Radicals are now where they were in 1846 , not an inch more practical or more powerful . The Liberals are hh ready to follow Mr . Gladstone as they were to follow Sir Robert Peel . And of the Conservative party Mr . Disraeli may ask now as bo asked before , " What is it that wo liavo to
conserve ? Ho could not have a complcter chaos there never was n better chance for " tho coining man . " Will lie arrive ? Mr . Disraeli ih too nccunito in his perceptions not to nee that a party was never kept together by negatives ; and thut the attitude which the DerbyiteH havo taken up since their expulsion front office , —the attitude of a milky opposition , proffer ing no phuiH—in ruinous : it has ulreudy given nmiiy votes
to the Coalition , and it Iuih rendered those who remain in gruff itllcgiuncG not only discontented , but contemptuous . Mr . Disraeli is uIho too unerring in his cnlculutioiiH not to observe that Lord Derby Ihih hud hm opportunity , and missed it ; , and will never get a ¦ eeond chance—no limn ever did ; and thut tho party "which upjHMirunccfl indicate Lord Derby ih now left to Inml—U , « Hiupid and the Hellish oligarchical cIiihhchvrlulu it will always bo strong , will never agiiin succeed iw England , Mr , Disraeli has , consequently , only
one course to take—to wrench himself away out of the reach of the Spooner and Newdegate sections , and to proclaim a principle , and lead a new party—the newconstructed and so-called Young England party . Several circumstances combined to present that amiable confederation in a ludicrous point of view to the public , but it had this merit—if " Coningshy" and " Sybil " were its old and new Testament : that its principles were comprehensible , and that its policy , as a programme , was noble and generous . And this is certain , that it was the only party in which Mr . Disraeli would not look out of place—a great advantage for an ambitious statesman .
This is a party which is constructive out of the Tory Opposition , for where is the link between Lord Stanley or Lord J . Manners , and Mr . Spooner or Mr . Napier ? It is a party which would diminish extensively the " Liberal" ranks , for where is Lord Goderich ' s place among Whigs or Peelites ? It is a party which would be nearer the people than any other party , for the debate on the Stocking-weavers' Bill a month ago have demonstrated , as factory acts debates have demonstrated before , and as the factory acts debates threatened again by Mr . Cobbett , will again demonstrate—that the landed aristocracy sympathize with the masses more
than the monied aristocracy do , simply because they can indulge charity without injuring their interests ; and Mr . Disraeli has had experience , as a man governing a nation as a class champion , that there is no power where there is not popular support . But to create such a party it is not enough to pass the word to abuse the coalition , or to fasten upon the weaknesses and to ridicule the inconsistencies and the sillinesses of individuals . England does not love coalitions : and does not hate them ; it ignores individuals , and judges of Governments by their acts . The gossip of clubs does
not govern the polity of a nation ; you cannot interest a people whom electoral exposures do not prove very high-minded in the mass , in the objectionableness of men , while their measures win almost universal approval . But a time comes , even for strong coalitions , and opponents should prepare for it by providing themselves with prospects and policies . Meanwhile , an indifferent community does not appreciate epigrams , more particularly had ones . Even a Junius would not answer in an age , in which the measures are so much greater than the men .
All this is suggested with a view to seeing Mr . Disraeli released from a bondage in which he is jiot natural , and therefore not successful . In suitable circumstances he would interest \ is and amuse us ; and the public which admires him , and has still faith in him , would gladly help him in an effort at self-enfranchisement . They would give him again the power he covets , if he has the boldness to arrange a Tory party fit for power ; and that is only to be accomplished by the destruction of the existing Tory party . But Mr . Disraeli and England must preliminarily understand one another ; and they don't at present . The delusions which he seeks to sustain are not even tacitly admitted .
He is not regarded as the " Protestant leader" he pretends to be . He is not supposed to be the natural organizer of the " territorial aristocracy . " The Mr . Disraeli of " public life" is accurately known to be a foreign gentleman , above all national prejudices , and of a generous and cosmopolitan disposition , adequatel y enabling him to take very profound views of our history and of our contemporary politics ; for some time figuring as an actor—an advocate—and succeeding in a wonderful performance—making a brilliant defence ; but , at present , mistaking his rdle , and confounding his clients with his friends . In short , England knows that there has been a real Mr . Diarneli and an histrionic Mr . Disraeli ; and thut tho real Mr . Disraeli is to bo found in the books , and not in tho speeches . That , however , tho books may be spoken ; and thut if they were , the Mr . Disraeli of 1853 could vindicate the Mr . Disraeli of 1832 ; and prove , in the end , the most practical " leader" of his time . The Stkangk : u . Saturday Morning .
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OXFORD UNIVERSITY COMMISSION . * V . TTNIVKR 8 JTY EXTENSION RECOMMENDATIONS OV THK TUTORS * ASSOCIATION . Evkiiy plan of University extension mipported by the Tutors' Antiociution carefully preserves " the principle of domestic and personal superintendence by recognised Tutors . " It declares tho number t * bo probably
inconsiderable of those who would wish to modify the present collegiate system , ami affirms that the claim of " University students" could hut receive an education of a very inferior description , while it would almost neceBflnrily be exempt from the existing domestic control and discipline . " Tf large , it would nfTcct and deteriorate our inornl and educational
hvhtem . " In dealing with the assumptions of exiBtang interests , we have repeatedly to complain of exagge ** - tions , painful from the contrast afforded by their actual working . We have often heard of the solemn charges of Deans and Chapters , that we should deal with the heritage of Christ as we would be dealt with at the last day The Bishop of Exeter talks of the sacred obligations of statutes which he knows to be hourly infringed ; and Oxford tutors of deterioration to « our moral and educational system /* Our moral and educational system ! bo voluminousbo ratified
In the face , too , of evidence , by national opinion , that the difficulty of selection n only equalled by its inutility . " As * o Pf «» Jj ^ - perintendence , '' to take the testimony of Professor Wall alone , "if any parent thinks when he enters his Bon at a college he necessarily puts him where his moral and intellectual training will he carefully watched over by a tutor , I can only assure him he is under a pleasing delusion . What personal superintendence can a tutor exercise over twenty or thirty pupils , young men who must he left to themselves for the greater part of the
day , who have their own rooms , and are as much separated from their tutor as if they lived at the other end of the town . " Our moral system ! Gentlemen * we know something of it j et nos in Arcodid fuimus . Our system ! We repeat , the Association is not hearty in the cause of University extension , or of Collegiate reform . They know well that any great extension would , to use Mr . Congreve ' s words , render the present system of discipline obsolete . They take care in this theia first , and , so far as we know , their only Report , to pledge themselves against any satisfactory and sufficient
solution of the question at issue . They desire no change in the present system and mode of education . They do not venture beyond the trammels of subscription and Church membership , and , we doubt not , they take infinite credit for this their opposition to latitudinarianism . And they see neither industry nor morality beyond the status pupillans They would have the style to run , " The Chancellor , Tutors , and Pupils of the University of Oxford , in place of the time-honoured form , " Chancellor , Masters , and Scholars . " Under their guidance we should get to the " young gentlemen" and the silver spoon at last .
A deduction follows , from a cursory inspection of the names forming the Committee of the Association , and from an examination of such evidence as we possess from its members , not favourable to the confidence they would claim , nor to the encomiums which their labours have here and there received . The names ot Messrs . Church , Fanshawe , Haddan , Marriott , Marshall , Tweed , and Woolcombe—seven out of eleven-rare not found among those whose evidence is embodied in the Commissioners' Report . This must be ascribed to a refusal to notice the questions circulated . We say that the silence of this large majority of the committee
betrays the animus of the Association . Of the remaining four , Mr . Rawlinson , disregarding the subject of extension , confines his evidence to that of college and private tutors . Mr . Melville having , as Principal of Bishop Hatfield ' s Hall , Durham , a strong faith in independent Halls , sees nothing in University extension but » question of expense . Of Durham itself we may romark , in Mr . Blackett ' s words , that it has succeeded , in n comparatively short period , in attaining the same perfection of mismanagement which distinguishes Oxford and Ca mbridge . Mr . Lake , on the principle of nil admirari , prefaces his observations with the words , " You havo implied that some such extension is needed , and I am therefore not called upon to inquire into that point . " The very caricature of caution ! " Somo such
extension . " And lastly , Mr . Mansel denies that any great echeme of University extension is practicable in the present day . " Tho amiable enthusiasm which dwells fondly on tho memory of 30 , 000 students in tho days of Honry III . must rank with tho mediaeval dillotantism which sighs for tho bygone days of hobbyhorses and Abbots of Unreason . I havo no great faith in any of those projects of reform which proceed on the princip le of making tho Universities the direct instructors of tho great body of tho nation . " It may be ho ; perhaps tho disinclination was father to the distrust . Hut Mr . MuiiboI may as well Iw assured in good time that tho national temper will not Buffer thorn to rest as they aro , and , as wo fear , he would desire them to continue , useless and
extravagant sinecures . No man is qualified to discuss thiH question who is riot aware that there is no vitality i )» Oxford as bIio i » . Even Lord John Russell shakes his official finger ut this tardy insincerity vyfyich threatens to deprive Oxford of tho honour and ridvantngeH of self-reform . Wo caro little about tho collection of 2 * 0 , 000 students nt Oxford , but wo care much for tho character of the edueution that shall radiate thence as from a centre , iiud for tho dosses to bo admitted to its advantages . Wo look for W »
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* Spo Leader Nob , 163 , J . 64 . 166 , J 57 ,
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494 THE LEADER . [ Sa *» iH > aY ,
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Leader (1850-1860), May 21, 1853, page 494, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1987/page/14/
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