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    America at once as our rival in the carrying trade of Europe . And , remember , you have now repealed your navigation laws . In 1793 you could send out large fleets of merchant ships , under the convoy of ships of war , twice a year . You had the monopoly of the seas ; and it did not matter to you when or how your ships sailed , because other countries must wait upon you for their supplies . But what would be the case now , if you were to go to war ? If you were engaged in war with'a maritime power , they would issue letters of marque to fleets of steamers , who could take refuge when they pleased in Stockholm or other neutral ports . Your insurances for freights would rise at Lloyd ' s in proportion to the risk of capture . How would your manufacturers—how would your numerous

    and wealthy colonies , consent to bring over their freights in English bottoms , when Hamburgers and Frenchmen were not subject to the same risk P Remember that the repeal of the navigation laws has thrown you open to the competition of the whole world in shipping , as in everything else . But I beg pardon of the House for having gone into these considerations . All I wish to say is , that I think the Government have done wisely in disregarding the cry of thoughtless men ; they have done wisely in not listening to the cry of the newspapers , some of which profess the democratic principle , as if democracy ever gained by war . The Government have done right , not only for

    the interests of the eountry but even for the interests of themselves ; for if they should plunge the country into war , the shallow men who now cry for war would in less than six weeks call for the disgrace and the removal of the very Ministers who began the war . I have nothing to say to the Ministers . I do not blame them because they have taken up a position to defend the Turkish empire . It is a traditionary policy they have followed , and unless they had public opinion with them , no Government could avoid doing so . All I say is , that I have no doubt they will soon get rid of the difficulties respecting the Wallachian provinces ; and I congratulate them on having been as peaceable as the people would allow them to be . ( Cheers . )"

    Lord Pamteksto : n- made a striking comment on Mr . Cobden ' s speech : — " There is nothing so painful as to see a man of great ability labouring under an erroneous conviction , which he knows to be contrary to the opinions of his fellow-countrymen , and which he is therefore ' afraid—I will not use a stronger term—openly to express , hut which he endeavours to conceal and cloak by every species of device which ingenuity can afford to the practised orator . If , sir , the honourable gentleman had stood here as the avowed advocate of the aggressive and ambitious policy of Russia , as the defender of that system of policy which he pretends so loudly to denounce and condemn , I do not think , in the present state of the feeling of this House and of the country , that

    he could have dared to pursue a course more calculated to assist , to facilitate , and to defend the views he pretends to deprecate . ( Cheers . ) Why , sir , he said , —I never heard a speech so full of incessant contradictions ; he said at one moment , although he did not tell us exactly what he told the country on a former occasion , that Russia could be crumpled up like a sheet of brown paper —( laughter)—but he told us that Russia was so weak , that sho was perfectly incapable of resisting any serious effort on the part of this country , and then he tells us that war with Russia would bo infallible ruin to England . How does he reconcile tho two statements ? At one time ho tells us that Russia is a sort of barbarous power , composed of scattered

    dependencies and weak in hor interior , and then ho launches out int& great praiso of St . Petersburg , and saya that because St . Petersburg is a finer city than Constantinople , forsooth , Russia ought to be possessed of both . Tho honourable gentleman is a Free-trader . Ho made a tour through Europe Of course he was received wherever ho went with that courtesy and civility to which his personal qualities so eminently entitle him , and lie fancied ho had persuaded all Europe that there was no system to be adopted but , that of Free-trade . Now ho says tho efforts of this country in favour of tariffs have signally failed . I should liko to know , then , what has been the result of his European tour ? Sir , our wars woro never waged for tho sake of tariffs . Such wars ns tliose wo carried on in

    Spain and Portugal woro undertaken for higher considerations—for tho maintenance of tho constitutions , tho liberties , and tho independence of nations , and of that balanco of power which , howevor tho honourable gentleman may treat it with contempt , because ho does not scorn to undorfitand it , all men who havo boon worthy to give ; councils to nations havo considered to bo a principle , tho assertion and maintenance of which whs cuucnliiu to tho libortioH and tho well-being of mankind . ( Cheers . ) Thon tho honourable gentleman , with all bin Free-trade partialitiesand no man lias probably in hit ) own country done more for tho assertion and practical enforcement of thoso principles than him , and T am tho last man to withhold my tribute of acknowledgment for tho great services which tho honourable

    havo been rondorod m that respect by gcutloumn—fwxsins entirely to forgot lun principle when lie compares tho commercial system of Russia with that ot Turkey . Why , duos ho not know , and if ho does know , why does ho attempt to withdraw tho attention of tho public from it , that tho commercial system of Russia is eminently restrictive and prohibitive , while the commercial system of Turkey is tho most liberal that exists in any country with which wo havo commercial relations P Then ho says it is quito immaterial ., in a commercial point of view , " whether tho Turkish empire belongs to . Russia or not , iih there wan no coinniorai on tho Black Boa before the time of the Empress Catherine . I nevor hoard arguments less calculated to support tho conclusions to which he wished to draw tho minds of his hearers . It is not truo

    that tho commerce of Turkey it ) immaterial to this country . It is very material to this country . Turkey lias intornal resources which tend every year to make our commerce with her more and more valuable . Ho says of Turkey : ' You aro patching it , up . You aro now yielding to tho vulgar prejudico ( which , ho admitted wao traditional ) with

    regard to maintaining the independence of the Turkish empire ; but it is a rotten fabric , and cannot last—it is sure to fall to pieces . The Turks must be expelled—that is to say , the Sultan , the Government , the army , and the 2 , 000 , 000 of Mussulmans who inhabit European Turkey ; but who are only encamped in Europe . You must get rid of them , and it is high time to consider how you shall dispose of their territories . ' This is a strange doctrine , I must say , from a person who has always maintained the necessity of leaving foreign countries to decide as to what should be their own mode of government . I do not at all admit that Turkey is in the state of decay which the honourable gentleman represents , and that the maintenance of the integrity and independence of Turkey is not

    an object not only desirable , but worth contending for , and capable of being effected . The honourable gentleman has been wholly misinformed as to the state of Turkey during the last thirty years . I assert , without fear of contradiction by any man who knows anything on the subject , that Turkey , so far from going back during the last thirty years , has made greater progress in improvements in every possible way than any other country . Why , compare it now with what it was in . the reign of the Sultan Mahmoud . If you consider it with regard to the system of Government , as bearing on the interests of the inhabitants , and connected with the defence of the country , with regard to the army , the navy , the administration of justice , the promotion of agriculture , and the diffusion of such

    manufactures as the people have ; take its commercial system ; take its religion ; I venture to say that , in all these respects , Turkey has made immense progress during the period which I mentioned ; and so far , therefore , from going with the honourable gentleman in that sort of political slang which is the fashion among those who want to partition and devour Turkey—so far from talking of it as a dead body or an expiring body , or a 3 so enfeebled that it cannot be kept alive , I am convinced of this—that if you will only keep out of it those who wish to get into it—if you will only leave those who are in it to deal with it in the way in which they are now dealing with it , I will venture to say that , as far as the seeds of dissolution are concerned , there are many countries in Europe that would

    not bear a comparison with it . Turkey is just as likely to go on as it is in improvement , if you can keep other people ' s hands out of it , as some other countries to which , the honourable-member referred . Turkey has no Poland and no Hungary . ( Cheers . ) If I ever heard a speech trying to injure a Government , by opposing the course of policy which it recommends , likely to damp the proper feeling of the country in supporting that Government , it is the speech of the honourable gentleman . I am happy to say it is the only speech of the kind we have heard tonight , and I trust it will not mislead any of those persons beyond the limits of this country who would be likely to be misled by it . ( Hear , hear . ) I hope the language of that speech will not excite abroad feelings that might be

    likely to mar the efforts of her Majesty ' s Government to settle these affairs in a manner satisfactory and honourable to the country ; and I trust the great preponderance of good sense and proper feeling which the discussion of this evening has rshovvn , will prove to all Europe what is the fixed determination of tho British Parliament , and what are the feelings of the British nation , that although there may be persons who may possibly wish to see Russia extend her power over Turkey , that is not the wish of the British nation , and that the Government of England , supported by the people of England , aro determined to persevere in their intention to maintain tho independence of that country ; its maintenance being essential both for political and commercial reasons . Wo do not mean to go

    with the honourable gentleman into n re-arrangement of the Turkish empire . Wo do not pretend to dictate to tho Bulgarians , tho Sclavonians , the Greeks , and tho Mussulman , who shall bo their sovereign , or what shall bo the form of their government . It has been tho privilege of this country to give advico to tho Turkish Govornmont with a view to thoso internal invprovcrnents which , on tho ono hand , strengthen Turkey , and on the other hand , contribute to the prosperity and happiness of tho people under tho rulo of tho Sultan . I am happy to say our suggestions havo been attended with tho most beneficial consequences , and whorover our consuls reside , and our arrangements extend in tho different provinces of tho Turkish Empire , wo havo soon tranquillity enjoyed , iustico

    bettor administered , oppression cease , and tltoso benefits extended which it is tho anxious object of the British Government to promote in that country . I am convinced that , if this system is pursued—if England , united with France , will say that Turkey shall nol ; belong to Russia or any other power , that dictum will bo enforced ; and I am convinced that , if no sovereign power shall endeavour to destroy Turkey , Turkey has in itself tho elements of life and prosperity—and that our policy , so far from being so objectionable as tho honourable member has endeavoured to prove , in u Hound policy , one which meets with tho approbation of tho country , and one which it will be tho duty of every Government ; to pursue . " ( Loud eheorg . )

    After u few words from Mr . Danny Sicymoitk , congratulating the , House that tho Ministry had " ono noblenmn of English . spirit , " tho discussion onded .

    IMC LICIT ON IN MALTA . When wo took Malta from tho Kroneh , in 180 S ) , wo woro materially aided by the inhabitants . In return , wo pledged ourselves to protect the religion of tho country—the Roman-catholic religion . For this object it was necessary to maintain tlio old Maltese laws , laying Hovoro punishments on any outrage or insult toward * tlio Roman-catholic , worship . Tho old criminal laws wore consolidated in 1837 , but tho operation of tho codo has been delayed , and alterations in it aro now being considered in tlio Colonial Oftico . Tho new codo

    forbids the publication of books against the Roman catholic religion , makes " insults" to clergymen highly penal , declares blasphemy against the saints a criminal offence , and even an " insult , " committed without in : tent to profane , is still punishable . Mr . Kiniuied called the attention of the House to the intended estab . lishment of this new code ,. and pronounced it fit to come from , the Duke of Tuscany or the Emperor of Austria , not from a British colony . Every Protestant

    member of the House had sworn that the Romancatholic worship is blasphemy . He moved " that the proposed criminal code is opposed to the civil rights and liberties of her Majesty ' s subjects , and that an humble address be presented to her Majesty , requesting her to take these facts into consideration , and not to sanction such a code until Parliament shall have further considered the subject . " Thja motion was seconded by Mr . Thomas Chambers .

    Mr . Frederick Peel argued against it . Malta is a Roman-catholic country , governed by an elective legislature . That legislature had thought fit to adopt the code . Its punishments are certainly severe ; lufc in former times they were still more harsh , and the code has mitigated many provisions . Every one will admit that there is criminality in acts which outrage religion , which go to offend some of the most deeply , seated and purest feelings of the human heart , and

    which , of course , in a corresponding degree , tend to endanger public peace and tranquillity . And , in Malta , all religions are equally protected from insult . Mr . Hume followed up this defence , by stating that , in Malta , the Roman-catholics are the most numerous , and should be treated as the dominant party . Mr . Isaac Butt , Mr . Hewde&ate , and other Protestant members , warmly protested against the code . In retort Mr . John David Fitzgebald denied

    that Roman-catholics held the opinion that princes excommunicated by the Pope could be deposed by their subjects . The debate , which was becoming warm , was closed by Lord John Russell , He stated that we are bound to protect the Roman-catholic religion and its doctrines , but , as some words in the new code might be misinterpreted , it would be well to give them" further consideration . There seems no necessity for the special definition of the rights of the Roman-catholic church ,

    as the general provisions of the code make penal every offence against religion . The law officers of the Crown would he consulted , their opinions would be sent to Malta , and , if the authorities there would make the alterations suggested , the Crown would then assent to the code . By this means we should secure every possible respect for the Roman-catholic religion , and , at the same time , the fullest religious liberty . This promise satisfied all parties , and Mr . Kinnaied withdrew his motion .

    REFORM OF THE STATUTES . . The Lord Chancellor brought up the report of the Commissioners on the consolidation of common law , and stated what had been done by the commission There are three ways of reform suggested . One ia to take all the statutes on a particular subject , and bring them within one act by condensation and simplification of language ; another plan , too , is to combine with the revised statutes on a subject tho common or unwritten

    law on the same ; and a third is to make a comp letely new digest of the law on each class of subjects . Specimen statutes on each of the principles have been prepared . In addition , each Commissioner has been naked to supply , in writing , a plan for the consolidation of tho statutes , and to draw tip a digest of ono branch of the statuto law . These hints and specimens will bo considered by the Lord Chancellor , and ho being responsible , will exercise his discretion in choosing tho

    final plan . Tho new statutes are to bo clear fr ° " repulsive long sections and formal enactments . " I ' " stances of the utility of consolidation havo already appeared . Eight years ago thoro were pa-sseu certain acts known as Railway Consolidation Acts and Laruin Clauses Acts , lor consolidating into ono act all tlie enactments that used to find their way into a railway bill-Taking the quantity of printed pages in those uctH , and tho number of acts which have since passed , incorporating all those clauses , the result was that then ) had been a Having in printing of 116 folio pag ™ m each copy of each Railway Act . And inasmuch »»

    1000 copies aro printed of ' each , and that they vrcn printed over twice in tho uliapo of billu ; and innflinufiU a . s tho acts which passed did not constitute above o « cfourth of thoso which were brought in as biU «» | lI )( wero finally lost , tho Having whioii has boon effected I » y thofio consolidation nets in enormously great '•"" # shoul d sec , therefore-, whether they could not nu «> P tho hiiuhs principle in a variety of other matters . ¦* ' " Iiiwh relating to tho dutiCH of magistrates hIiouW » put into ono act . Again , thoro aro the laws relating to the national debt . The Chancellor of tho 13 xcheu « e hus suid that it is troubloaomo beyond measure for P '

    Untitled Article

    796 TliE LEADER- [ SA * tiii » At ,

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 20, 1853, page 796, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2000/page/4/