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making arts of peace ; and insteaoSof statues to Marlborough , Wellington , Duncan , and Nelson , you would prefer to see statues to the inventors of spinniag-jennies and railroads , or to Kant and Jeremy Bentham . You think a broadbrim in bronze more picturesque than a cocked hat . You are severe upon Mars and Moloch , and prefer Mammon to both . Idolatry , like statuary , is , an affair of taste , hut Milton , who seems to know as much about devils , as you do , tells us that Mammon was the basest and meanest of all . " After pointing to an invasion of England by Louis Napoleon as a thing not done because we are ready for him , Mr . Drummond says : — ,
" You state that ' the flower and strength of European manhood is living in coerced idleness at . the expense of the rest of the community , in order that they may he ready to fight ; ' it would be more true if you had said , in order that the rest of the community may be able to spin cotton and grow corn in quiet . " Agreeably to the cant of the age you try to mix up some fragments of Holy Writ to sanctify your folly ; and imagining that you are to be the means of introducing the millennium , you ask , 'if there is nothing which Christian men can do' towards that end ? You want an universal peace without the Prince of Peace ; you want the world more quiet , that men may be left more undisturbed in the enjoyment of selfish gratification ; and you think that no one
can penetrate the darkness in which you have enveloped history , both sacred and profane . Yes , you can do something to bringin universal peace ; join together to beseech the Prince of Peace to come again , as He has promised to do , in the same way as that in which He was seen to go , and He will come and bring peace with Him ; but without Him ye shall do nothing . "At this moment every sovereign on Continental Europe has usurped over the rights of their nobles and of their 5 ) eo ple : the Emperors of Russia and Austria , the Pope and lis priests , the King of Naples , and all the minor absolute German princes . For this usurpation the people are vowing vengeance ; and from England their leaders have issued
proclamations calling on all subjects not to war with each other , but to unite in warring on all the reigning families , and put them to death . If you have any honesty and sincerity amongst you transfer your conference to Moscow , Vienna , or Constantinople , in all of which I can venture , though unauthorised , to promise you a reception much more consonant with your deserts than the urbanity of the Scotch are likely to give you in Edinburgh ; and when the inhabitants of that city , and of Manchester , have been brought to dismiss their magistrates and police , and to rely upon the pacific disposition of the rabble in those towns , it will be time enough to begin to think about what may be done with the rest of Europe . "
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GLADSTONE IN COTTONOPOLIS . Mr . Gladstone has had his principal holiday demonstration in Manchester , suited by its greatness in trade to receive with lion our the manager of the national money . The inauguration of the statue erected by the town to the memory of Peel made this oration of his greatest pupil very timely . The speeches and actions incident to the proceedings were all tinged with a tone of healthy triumph . On Tuesday , Mr . Gladstone visited the Exchange . He entered by the main doors in St . Ann ' s-square , amid the loud cheers of a large concourse of persons . He was accompanied by the Mayor , Mr . It . Barnes ,
who introduced him to the commercial body , and walked through the room with him . The greatest anxiety was manifested to gain a sight of his person , mid there was considerable cheering as lie reached various points of the room , or returned . He appeared deeply moved by the great cordiality with which he was received , and bowed repeatedly as he went along . He departed shortly after two o ' clock , and was again cheered as lie left the building . The Itight Rev . the Bishop of Oxford , ; md Mr . J . C . Hartor , whoso guest he is , were with him . It was remarked , that he looked careworn . On Wednesday , the ceremony of inaugurating the Peel statue took place . The situ of tho statue is on the open space facing the Infirmary , and looking down Market-street . Afc twelve o ' clock , tho spaces round this wore filled by crowds of working- people , as the
majority of the artisans of tho town had made holiday for 1 he occasion . The houses wore also decorated with largo flags ; and the festivo nature of tho proceedings was evident in the cheerful bearing of tho crowds , and the well-dressed appearance of tho working men . When tho corporation came on tho ground , the scene was diversified by tho red and blue cloaks of the members of tho corporation . Tho principal persons of Manchester society wore also present ; tho Bishop of Manchester ; Mr . Brown , M .. P . for tho county ; Mr . Brother ! on , MP . ; Mr . Ba' / loy , Mr . Fairbairn , and Mr . Aspinall Turner . Tho houHetops woro crowded with people , and tho windows fillod with ladien . Altogether tho picture presented was very gay and striking . Mr . Gladstone < : amo on tho ground , juscompaniod by Mrs . Gladstone , tho Bishop of Oxford , and some othor friends . Ho was received with enthusiastic cheering .
Tho first speech of tho day was mado l > y Aldorman Pottor . Me roforrod with warm praiso to tho memory of Sir Itoborfc Pool , and statod tho statistics of tho money subscribed to build tlio Htatuo . Ovor five thousand pounds had boon contributed ; a thousand iinns had contributed , and many thousand working mon had addod their individual Hubseriptions . Sir John Pottov thon formally presented tho Htatuo 1 o tho Mayor—tho statue being wt this moment uncovered amid tho ehoora of tho people . fTho Htatuo ifl coloanal ,
and of bronze . It represents Peel speaking in " the House . " The attitude is reported as good , but the features are said to be unlike . ] The Mayor spoke , in accepting the trust , praising the statue highly as a work of art . Mr . Gladstone then came forward to speak . ' He pointed out , how Peel-was not alone the chosen and beloved servant of the sovereign , but was , also , the" favourite of the people ; how he " thoroughly understood the working of our noble constitution , "
appreciated the character of " that great , deliberate and popular assembly—the " British House of Commons . " Mr . Gladstone then calling himself a " pupil " of Sir - Robert Peel's , praised him for " his purity of conscience ; " and referred happily to the site of the statue—not in a gilded hall , but in the thoroughfare of a mighty city—in the centre of the heart of English trade .
The Town Hall was the scene of the next act . Addresses were presented to the Chancellor of the Exchequer from three of the highest public corporations in Manchester—the Town Council , the Chamber of Commerce , and the Commercial Association . The addresses were more than usually warm and unreserved in their laudation , and Mr . Gladstone ' s private character was especially praised . He rose amid cheering—very loud cheering—to speak in reply . With a very easy flow of natural oratory , he diverged from the usual expression of personal thanks to a very complete and pleasing picture of the industrial greatness of Manchester , and to the union of art and Labour in its production . He then surveyed the present political situation . Party distinctions are much abated : and though there shall
always be in all likelihood party machinery , yet it is gratifying to note , that there never was less of party feeling than last session ; and yet , with . many . Government defeats on questions of secondary importance , there was a great amount of public work and business transacted , and many measures of great weight and importance were passed into law . Also differences had been softened , and political opponents had learned to think kindly of one another . He then referred at length , and with great clearness of pronouncement , to foreign affairs : —
" You have been pleased—I speak now of the address of the corporation , which I know represents the sentiments of the inhabitants of Manchester—you have been pleased to express your confidence that the Government which is now charged with public affairs will give effect to such measures as will conduce to the honour of the Crown and the benefit of the community . I value peculiarly and supremelyevery member of the Administration must value as I dothis expression of your feelings . I am sure I do not misinterpret this reference to the honour of the Crown , when I interpret it with reference to the question in wlu ' ch , at the present moment , the honour of the Crown , as well as various other interests , are deeply involved— -namely , the
question of peace or war , which holds the mmd of Europe in agitation and suspense from one extremity to the other . If you are persuaded that the honour of tho Crown is safe in the hands of her Majesty ' s present advisers , I am sure that no testimony can convey to them a more gratifying feeling—I am sure that no testimony which can reach them will contributo more to strengthen their hands in the discharge of their public duty , and in bearing that conspicuous part which must belong to England in the consideration of every great European question . It was perhaps to be expected that the delays and vexations incident to these protracted negotiations would load to a sentiment of impatience among a portion of tho community .
Undoubtedly it was to be expected in this free country that the measures and motives of the Government—especially while covered in some degree with a portion of necessary reserve— -would not receive from ovory one an absolutely favourable construction . It was to bo expected that tho general sentiment on the present relations between ltunsia and Turkey , Avhore there has boon an overbearing aggression on tho part of tho former , would bo that of eagerness and anxiety for somo marked and positive demonstration on the part of England against tho aggressor . But I vonturc to way that her Majesty ' s Government do not fool in tho least degreo dinpoaed to shrink from any portion of tho responsibility they have assumed in making every * If fe _ _ B . h . M . * A 1
effort—in hoping , if that woro necessary , against hope and beyond h » po , which I am happy to say it is not—in hoping to tho uttermost that their efforts would bo nuectiBsful in warding off tho frightful calamity of a general war . No doubt ; tho blood ot Englishmen is up when they boo oppression and uggreHsion going on . No doubt a content carried on between a stronger party and a weakor appeals forcibly to Uioho feelings which wo aro accustomed to think eminently national . No doubt tho lapse of timo whioh I hih already punned without any apparent result , is calculated to try tho pationco of tho community . But trust mo , gont . lemen , the moiimu'o of tho real greatness of a people lion in their power of aclf-commund and solf-roHtraint . ( Loud oheora . ) That Holf-command and that Holf-roHtraint ,
whethor exorcised by a nation or by individuals , in always liable to be jni . stiilcon , and its action to bo charged an iridjfforonee , foohlonoBH , and cowardice . Wo know , I trust , the difference between them . Wo know that a dignified patience , and a houko of the duty which wo owe as mon and a . H ChriHtiaiiH , will not l » o wanting in roadinoHH when tho timo comen to vindicate the honour of tho country . ( Oheorn . ) What do wo mean when wo speak of a general wavP Certainly there in a glare and a glory about tho operations of war which appeal to nomo of tYio noblest olomonts of human nature , and whioh render uh too little mindful , I four , of itu accompaniment . When wo npoalc of a general war wo do not apook of a real . progrojap ou tho . road to frqedopa—of iool progjosa in Jho ^ vaucomonf ; of Jnuiftttn U # U »| j <> nqo . Thoso may eomotimos bo tho intontlona- ^ roroly , I ionr . are
they the results of war . When we speak of ft general -war we mean the face of nature stained with human gore—we mean , the bread taken out of the mouths of nulKcins— -we mean taxation indefinitely increased , and trade and industry wofully dimimehetLr—we mean heavy hur < Jens entailed upon our latest po 8 terity--we mean that demoralization is let loose , families are broken up , anof lust stalks , unbridled in every country which is visited by the calamit y of war . ( Loud cheers . ) If that he a tr-u . e description of w , ar is ifc not also true that it is the absolute duty of the Government to exercise for themselves that self-command which they recommend to others , and that they should labour to the uttermost for the adoption of any and every honourable
expedient which may be the means , of averting that fri ghtful scourge . ( Loud cheers . ) I am certain—I might jhaye anticipated it beforej but at this moment . I can have no doubt after the expression of your feelings which you have iust given—that these are the sentiments which animate the peaceful community of . Great Britain , associated as they are in the works of industry and enterprise , and who , as practical men , come into close contact with questions of public policy . They know the dangers we have to encounter , the difficulties we have to meet , and by their generous confidence I am sure we shall be supported . la Parliament Ministers-have repeatedly admitted , as you are aware , that it is their duty to maintain what is called ^ -and
with some qualification truly called—the integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire . But we know when we speak of that integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire , that we do not use the terms exactly in the same sense in which we would speak of the integrity and independence of England or of France , because the Ottoman Empire describes a sovereignty which is full of anomalies , the source of much weakness and difficulty , the affairs of which , from five years to five years , ever since we were born , and long before , have been the subject , of European discussion and arrangement . We _ do not mean to express any opinion upon those deep questions which develop themselves out of the peculiar internal organization of the Ottoman Empire . So far as the European dominions of the
Sultan are concerned , we know that it presents this extraordinary political solecism , that three millions of persons professing the Mussulman faith , exercise—I will not call it despotism , but I will call it by the mild name of dominion and sovereignty—over twelve millions of our fellow-Christians . We don't intend to enter into the various questions which arise out of this state of things . But ' what we say is this , that it is necessary to have some regulation in the distribution of power in " Europe , and that the absorption of territory , by one Power in the government of Europe , which would follow upon its conquest of the Ottoman Emp ire , would be so dangerous to the peace of Europe , that it is the duty of England , at whatever cost , to set herself against it . That principle has been fully recognised in all discussions and all measures taken in connexion with the
great Eastern question . But , having made that recognition , and having laid down the condition that the absorption of the Ottoman Empire by external force cannot be permitted—subject to that condition , and to any reasonable interpretation which tliat condition involves—her Majesty 3 Government have adopted , and have acted upon the principle that it is their duty , if necessary , against or beyond hope , at all events as long as a rational hope exists , to labour for the maintenance of peace . ( Loud cheers . ) Now , Mr . Mayor and gontlemen , that is what tho Government has desired to do . There has grown up in Europe ot tor
lato years a practice of combining the great Powers the settlement of difficulties arising in different parts . Many bcnevolenj ; persons have boen most desirous tliat a system of international arbitration should take the place of war , with "all its frightful consequences . Aum «» not tho opportunity to discuss the theory of those gentlemen , considered as' a theory , . but it is an opportunity on which we may observe , not ' without satisfaction , that soim degree of real progress lias bcon made and exeinpmiui within the last twenty years in the history ot * - P" ! " " wards the substitution of arbitration for war . I no miser « . of Avar between Belgium and Holland were prevented uy tho intervention of anno of the great Powers ot Jiuroj , that
not by a perfect machinory , but by a machinery ww better than no machinery at all . That influence ot *«¦ great Powers was usad to bring to a termination tl ») c » war that nfllictod Spain , and on other European Q" J » jn a similar influonco was exorcised with nimilar eliec tho case of tho Ottoman dominions themselves ,, in . WJ 1840 , a war between tho Pacha of Egypt andtlio Bui ¦» was brought to a determination l > v the agency < . European ^ Powers . T . ho kingdom ot' Greece , wlnehwo in * y live to boo , or at nil ovonts our children may « ™ J t ' playing an honourable part in the affairs ot * 'UJ ° PC , a kingdom wiw relieved from tho consequences w " "•[ similar nation on tho part , of tho great 1 W ^ ot ^ ur ^ It is well that ; m > much has been done ; andtliese aio j . in whidi tlw oflunionof blood was . prevented , <> r uh "" ^ , . anco wa « ntoniied , by pacific intervention . LW * \ tim , turn is to bo ViBtinfliiHW from a moddl . ^ omo jntoryon ^ that would involve uh in particular quarrel * ; Dctw ' ( t ]( , imi ... « i ^ t ^ mf . ™ < . f ., « , llIrinuH State undertaking «» '
tho affaim of Urn neighbours , but it ; ifl tjio »»» i « T " ; f agency of Slates that represent the «» inbin « a I ortl ., "• „ rope , and have , i right to Wy to K « vope , ^ f ^ T ^ L ^ like authority , that a particular corner « rF !^ " om-n Hhall not break the general i » oium > , or set uh an ' > y ' mii on account of pulty local arvangomonw , ana r , o i - ^ () w ( to them U > enter " into arrangera ""* - " «> ' » ' '" , n ; u (( , . interoHt , of and wi ( , iHliu ) to . ry to all nnrtioH . R > "J' lio apvention in ilovoid , I know , of tho henno an < l W dog ^ , a poarantio that belongs to achievements m war ¦ , ^ ^^ /( with intrigue , vexation , and delay iind « J "' j of Hid true ; butHfl the venult « ontomp lated w" ^ u \ , y ofluHion of human WimmI , *™ 1 tho ?^ 'r , h « an « l tl «| W that would disturb tho oporations ot ; jiau "" ;;;' ' - Hi « all , nations of thoir 8 ul > Hii ) U ) nofl , HM «> ly -tp « ' ^ JfT NaW , ^' and Huroly tho , ffowft * d i » . ffW . a * - Yf ^ Jx ^ Luifo lm , than I thought I should have done , but i
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988 - THE LEAD BR , CgAf ^ AY , — ¦ . '' . . .- ¦ ¦ - l - - 'J- ^~; —i .. n ¦' . ' , '^ r . TT-i ; v' ¦ :, ' . ¦ j :-ji . i ... i j . - ¦„¦ - ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ * - ¦ *)" ¦ ¦ ¦ ?• . v . j ¦ ¦¦ iy . ¦ .. !¦ > ¦ jc ; ¦ ' ¦ ¦ ' ¦'¦¦ - ¦ . _'—L^—_^ - ^^ ^ . ^ .. ^^^ tk ^^ m ^ mmm ^^ mmmmmmmmm ^^ mmmm ^ m ^ Smm ^ mmmmmMmmmmmmmSmmtmS
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 15, 1853, page 988, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2008/page/4/
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