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    and investing them with something more than that spiritual authority which , by the great condescension of the Church of England , Dissenters are allowed to exercise over their own flocks . High Churchmen are very careful lest they shoxdd be guilty of a like sin themselves , and an occasion has lately occurred for an expression ' opinion on this question . Some years ago it was decided , by the united wisdom of the Courts of Great Britain and Prussia , to establish a Protestant Bishopric in Jerusalem . The plan was , that the two Courts should make the appointment

    in turn , the first choice being given to England . The second bishop—G-obat by name—now overlooks the snug little flock of Jerusalem converts . They are not very numerous , and may be easily folded by the most indifferent shepherd , but we suppose fervency of zeal makes up for the deficiency of numbers . But this band of true believers is not too insignificant to incur the indignation of the High Church Party , who cannot abide the notion that a Bishop of the Anglican Church should interfere with the established rights of the Greek Patriarch . If the Jews are to be converted let them listen to the

    Church that has been planted among them . Iiately , certain High Churchmen originated a protest to the Greek Patriarch , denouncing the unorthodox proceedings of the Courts of England and Prussia . The four archbishops sent out a counter protest , and there , for the present , the matter rests . But a further result has followed in Ireland .

    A curate , in . the diocese of Dublin , signed the High Church protest , and we are informed that the archbishop has deprived him of his license , the effect of which is to prevent the curate from preaching or taking any clerical duty . We must wait for further intelligence before we can make any comment . At present it offers another illustration of the internal weakness of the Church , and the despotic power which resides in bishops . Also of their despotic impotence . The bishops declare that they cannot interfere with other parishes of the globe , or extend the limits of the

    Anglican Church . The truth is alone in the Church of England , but it would be impolite to press it beyond the boundaries authorized by law . Episcopal succession belongs to our hierarchy alone , but it would be ungenerous to interfere with the superior inheritance of other churches . Salvation is secured through the authorized prayer-book alone , but how improper to enforce salvation upon the members of another church . It ia no doubt most desirable to save the souls of those who go astray in the Church , of Itomo or of Greece ; but how can an Anglican bishop tolerate the idea of introducing the soul to salvation through a breach of etiquette ?

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    THACKERAY IN AMERICA . ( To tho Editor of the Trader . ) London , Nov . 25 , 18 C 3 . My D . KAR FmuND , —I roo by tho American papers , that Thackeray has been subjected to rather a serious misinterpretation , for what I agree with Jiim in thinking a sentence unhappily constructed . To an English reader acquainted with Thackeray ' s writing , the meaning of the fatal Hcntonco is clear enough . The writer is throwing himself into the spirit of tho time to

    which he refers ; and without Haying ho , by a very common figure of speech , bespeaks in the commonplace language of that day . . Just ho doctors c » . U their patients " we , '' and speak as if they personally endured all the ills they correct . , Ju / t so a theoretical , arguer , putting a case , " for tno sake of argument ., " will Hay— " I am a ruffian ; I have murdered all my family ; I view everything virtuous with detestation , " and ho forth . In like manner , a novclliHt whom the . Americans

    cannot miHpert , repeatedly calln the AmericaiiH " rebels "—putting the words into the mouths of British officers . If Cooper had made all . his EngliHlnnen of 177 ( 5 , talk like Americans of 185 . ' } , his 8 j ) i / Mould not have been read throughout England and America , it is true that' , on a hanl , y reading , Thackeray . wrrmijt to be talking in his own person ; but liis letter ( , < > the 77 wr . v , which iH really in his own person , explains what Jiifl feelings are .

    Now , it will be well if . Americans understand how little thin declaration of Hcntiment on Thackeray ' s part is wrung from him by censure . I have no ri f ^ bt to claim more than a slight personal acquaintance with Thackeray , from havniginot in felio exorcise of our ju-ofbfciaion , and from

    possessing several common friends . In some parts of the Union , however , my name may be known , and where it is , certainly it will be known as that of a man who will not tolerate any language unworthy of a country which is half my own . Now , I happen to have met Thackeray in a company where lie could speak' with the most unqualified confidence , and where he must have conversed without study , and without thought of what would be repeated . In that free and friendly converse he poured forth all his thoughts upon

    America—not unmixed with touches of sly . humour , such as would occur to him on visiting any community , whether in Belgravia or Broadway . I wish what he thqn said could have been overheard by the whole Union ; because I never heard but one Englishman so heartily acknowledge the noble qualities , the worth , and the estimable traits of Americans generally ; that one Englishman being a relative of my own , formerly an officer of-the-Republic ,- and now a resident in the Union . Satirists have been to America , have

    accepted her hospitality , and have repaid it with satire . Thackeray is not one of that number . He is a satirist ; but he is a man with a keen sense and a large heart ; and he tinderstands America , North and South . I heard him talk of giving his impressions of the Union publicly , and I joined others in urging him to do so . What was his objectionP That he would not make money by his sense of the kindness which he had received ; and that if he did it without payment it might be misconstrued into an invidious contrast of his own better

    feeling as compared with that of others who had not so well understood the American people . I wish this over delicacy had not restrained him ; but it is impossible that Americans should harbour resentment at one misunderstood sentence in the writings of a man who puts so generous an appreciation on their personal qualities , their kindness to himself , and their national power . I am , my dear friend , yours ever affectionately , Thornton Hunt .

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    MALMESBUBY COMPENSATIONS . IiOED MJiiiMESBURY seems always to advance a reason the opposite of that which is in point . Mr . Hamilton , a schoolmaster without property , is grossly injured hy the Neapolitan Government , and while Lord Malmesbury obtains an abstract recognition of the right which a British subject has to educate British subjects in Naples , Mr . Hamilton very pertinently asks for compensation as the proper redress in his particular case . Oh ! no , answers X / ord Malmesbury ; " it appears to mo particularly desirable that British subjects , and still more a powerful country like England , should never have the appearance of obtaining a pecuniary profit from an injury inflicted . "

    We only see one way in which this representation can bo rendered consistent with Lord Malmesbury ' a conduct in tho Mather ease . Young Mr . Mather underwent a personal assault by an Austrian officer at Florence , and he demanded redress . Lord Malmesbury did not refuse to render it , hut in this case he insisted on reducing it to a money compensation , in spite of

    Mr . Mather ' s declared unwillingness to accept a personal and pecuniary indemnity , as sufficient atonement for a national outrage . When Mr . Mather presented himself at tho Foreign Office , Lord Mahnesbury wished to know at how much he valued tho injury to his sou ; and then he boasted , through Mr . Addington , that Mr . Scarlett " had succeeded in obtaining practical atonement for the unmerited and brutal treatment "

    received by the son , in the payment of a thousand francesconi . So that a blow inflicted upon an English gentleman Lord Malinesbury regards as effectually redressed by a payment of francenconi ; but ruin inflicted upon a , poor school mas tor can onl y be made the subject ; of an abstract ; question of right for a great country ! There iH , we say , but one kind of consistency here ; it is the advancing always of precisely the reason that ih not AVant ; ed .

    Our contemporary ( lie iVm , whom we always read with pleasure—if Honietiines the pleasure has a spice of . nialico in it-- ~ -discov < irs a wonderful new principle in apology for the noble Lord . As we had mentioned America , which ho powerfully protects it . n citizens , the Vrc . s . s uses tho Republic , but in a novel manner . If tho injury of Mr . Hamilton had been inflicted by America , says our contemporary , "Lord Maliriesbury might have takou his stand on England'h utmost rights

    as jealously as he did in the fishery dispute ; " but as it was " the despicable Neapolitan police , " " the late Foreign Secretary could never stoop to bully the weak . " So that immunity is proclaimed for the despicable and weak , and British Haniiltons must be the martyrs in these exercises of British magnanimity .

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    THE GOVERNING- CLASSES . No . XI . THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY . When Franklin first went to Paris he was fe"ted , not by the people , but by the young nobles and the old women ; and he wrote to Boston that certainly France was the most enlightened country In the world , since there , even the aristocracy was republican . Franklin lived to find that republicanism was only a fashion among the French nobles : Coblentz , some few years after , receiving the same young nobles and the same old women , no longer talking of Rousseau and Paine but exclusively of the Duke of Brunswick and of Pitt . What the young nobles of France were saying and doing in 1770—1790 , the young nobles of England are pretty nearly saying and doing in 1840—1860 : shamming sympathies incompatible with their own existence . The boast of the repentant ,. but still gay Duchess , that she would bring virtue into fashion , was a very good bravado ; better have virtue as a fashion than not have it at all . But the worst of affecting to be good is , that you are expected to be good ; and the tests occasionally applied to that fancy dress of politics

    worn by the noble school of Young England , have subjected the wearers to the inconvenience of anachronistic costume . When Cceur-de-Lion leaves St . Julliena' to smoke a cigar in a beer-house , even cabmen are afflicted with a , sense of contrast ; and when a naturally austere nobleman leaves a love and charity meeting to give an unreserved Tory vote in Parliament , he suggests the ridiculous , even to the well accustomed clerks at the table . Young England writes and talks fraternity all the morning , and goes down to the House to play the elder brother , all the evening .

    The Earl of Shaffcesbury may be classed among Young England ; not that he e , ver formally entered their Church , or accepted their new testament drawn up by Mr . Disraeli ; but that his instincts led him contemporaneously with their analogous contortions to enact the part of the Christian peer , —a character for whom the precise historical parallel , as before suggested , is in the Rousseau-raving French noble . And Lord Shaftesbury has survived the school , just as Col . Sibthorpe has survived his school , — because more earnest , more honest , and less sensitive-than the rest , he has never seen the anachronism . There is not a

    peer of Lho realm more devoted to his order ; not a Protestant more zealous for Protestantism : not a sociologist more afraid of socialism ; yet tho Earl of Shaftosbury has don , e more harm to the peerage , moro mischief to tho Church , and given a greater aid to socialism , than any man of Mb time . Ho has talked very democratic prose all his life , without having had a suspicion of his tendencies : and when ho has accompl ' iHhud his nii « nion he will recoil from the results with tho most piouH , yea , tho most prayerful , honor . Although this excellent nobleman takes from h «« brethren tho namo titht which ho accords to hia Maker ,

    he may bo referred to and studied a « tho model of » Chriatian gentleman . And that is hia sin to his order ; for if , riH ho tolls every public mooting , in return for tho vote of thanks given somewhat to tho saint , but a little to £ ho earl , ho iu only doing his duty , what miiHt his father and hin noblo frieiidH have been doing , all their livoH , and what are tho spiritual peers doing ? I * in tlus failing of fchiH country to disbelieve in publicly profc'HHod goodness : it in novor calculated that a phaiin < io may occasionally bo the real thing ; and it inn "' - b <> eonfoHHcd thai thoro in ouormouH HCop-ticiBU ^ " British society with regard to Lord fthttftcHbury . Thirt

    arisen iroin ho comparatively fow of those who talk m thin manner , over having hood or watched tho m '* upon whom they pronounce with . Huch dorisivo emphitHiH . A fixed impression in ( . ho Britinh iniml i « that tho Kail of HhiU ' toHbury \ h a man who iH always thinking iiboufc tho Pope , who Ihih a Hiiufllo in bin now im < l a gimt urn-face of whito in Uio region of tlio . tsyo «•"< tho throat . And , no doubt , UiiH enlightened and roligiouH country detain nuch n figure-, and , a « » I ' ' would infinitely prefer tho whilom Marquw of Waterford , in it cartor ' H frock , fastening « - publican * »» tf » * °

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    1142 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ;

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 26, 1853, page 1142, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2014/page/14/