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persons who are sure of being re-elected , rather than others who are not so certain , but who perhaps might be better adapted for the office . There is really no public benefit accrtiiag from the' adoption of this course equivalent to the cdnsequ ^ aces of this difficul ty . If the ministers of the Oro ^ ra * ret & ' ' appear in this House as responsible for their ictB ^ tfoeyougfittobe able to advise the Crown to give every Office to SuctTiiieinbtTS of the House of Commons—if suitiHie persons have seats therein—who ' would be best qualified to p « rf <* m _ the duties of their offices , and without being Uanipe ^ ed in their cloice by the consideration of the probability of their re-election . { Hear , hear , hear . ) Besides , it iB * t ) bVious that there are many questions fully as important
« W WMM-W V * . « MM * M j VUlVVl ULflMl » UiV / 11 t * U 1 VUIUOI «_ 1 V . *; U M \/ W UWU tKe qptnion of his -constituents .. A member , for instance , ni ^ ht "totally change his course of politics—( fiear ^ hear , kettrj- ^ in which case he may either go before his constituents ; or not , jdst as he pleases . The check , therefore , whjch I haye mentioned is not generally effective , while it is oft ^ a inconVenient and injurious . We propose accordingly fo l « peal that provision altogether , and to allow persons , as d ^ rin ^ the reign of William III , to accept office under the € rowii without vacating their seats . ( Jfear , hear , hear . ) NoWiinf , ! will state to the House the various places which , according to our proposal , will lose the power of sending meMberi : to Parhiunent , and tiie counties and boroughs to winch wsiniiend to give them . I should say , before I do so , the two
that there will be 29 places totally disfranchised , and 33 def ^ v ^ sof one ; of members which each of them now fia 8 li n 3 «^ g ^ - altogether 62 , to which there are four to be lM 3 ded on account of seats already vacant , bringing the number uj to 66 . - The places whicl I shall read to the Bouse will fill up 68 of these seats , and by a proposition which I need BbtjidVf go into , but which will be based upon the same principle ^ the renuaming three seats will be j ^ ven to a populous district , and to the universities in Scotland . This is theseheduleof , boroughs having less than 300 electors , or less tiian 6000 intabitants , and which we propose to dislrandtiiBe :- ^ -Andover returned 2 members ; Arundel , 1 ; Aihburton , 1 ; Calne , 1 ;; - Dartmouth . 1 : Evesham . 2 : 2
Harwich ^ ; Honiton , 2 ; Knaresborougb , 2 '; Lyme Regis , 1 ; MaHborbugh . 2 ; Midhurst , 1 ; Northallertcn , 1 ; Reigate , lrBichmond ( Yorkshire ) , 2 ; Thetford , 2 ; Totnes . 2 ; Wel ^ 2 iratoii , ' i . —Total , 19 boroughs , returning 29 'immixiir ^ Gfyer * and laughter . ) The second table is a listj > of boroug 1 isfrj | &ymg ; less than 500 electors , or less than 10 ; 0 * 0 iAhatitants , and which , we propose to deprive of one * SeinSer ^ eacJ | i ^ . T » le B ^ Bodintn , BridgnortB / Bridport , BjafeMftlggatt ^^ ichesCe / y Ccippennam , Cirencester , Cockerioi ^ p ^ eitii ^ mnli ^^ Q ^ afoTdt Hertford , Btun | i » gdon ; l « ominster ^ Lewes , Itictlow , Lynanagton , Xichfield , Maldon ^ Majlpw tGreal ^ , Newport ( Isle of Wight ) , Peterborougb ,-Podle , Ttipon , Stamford , Tamworth , Tavistook ,
'lewJcesbury , liverton , Weymouth , Windsor , Wycombe , and Chippmgham . —Total , 33 members . The next table contains the counties and divisions of counties which have' a population of more than 100 , 000 , . and which we think should have three members « ach : —Table C . —Bedford ; Chester , southern division ; ditto northern = f Cornwall , western ; ditto , eastern ; Derby , northern ; ditto , southern ; . Devon , southern ; ditto , northern ; Durham , northern ; dittos southern ; Essex , southern ; ditto , northern : Gloucester , * western ; Kent , -western ; ditto , " eastern ; Lan-CaBter , northern ; Lincoln , parts of Lindsey ; ditto , parts of Keateven tod Holland ; Middlesex ; Monnaouth ; Norfolk , " western ; " ditto , eastern Stafford , northern ; ditto , southern ; Sonqerset , western ; ditto , eastern ; Salop , northern ;
Southampton , northern ; Suffolk , eastern : ditto , western ; Surrey , eastern ; Sussex , eastern ; Warwick , northern ; Worcester , eastern ; 'York , east riding ; ditto , northern . Wales : Gla-Bi 6 Tgan , 1—Additional members , 38 . There are , as the House is well aware , " some corinties which ahready have three me-tnbers ; and which j of course , are not included in the above lfct . I have mentioned already , in regard to the West Siding of Yorkshire and South Lancashire , that they will be tacb . or them divided into two parts . Tbe division has been drawn in such it manner that there will be in either case nearly an equal population in each of the divisions : and when 1 state to the that the
House population is in one case 800 , 000 and in the other 500 , 000 , you will agree with me that it will be fair to' divide these two geeat counties . Tie next table I shall read to the House is a list of the cities and boroughs containing more than 100 , 000 inhabitants , and to which'we propose to give three members each : Birmingham Bristol (< aty \ Bradford ( Yorkshire ) , Leeds , Liverpool / Manchester ( city ) , Sheffield , Wolverbampton ; Salford to return in future , two members—total 9 members . Sir , I have already stated that the towns containing more than 25 , 000 inhabitants , and which are to return one member each , are Birkehhead , Burnley , and Staleybridge . "
Xord John , then moved for leave to bring in the pill .... Hereupon a rambling conversation ensued ; in . -which the freemen did not lack defenders , nor the principle of the representation of minorities opponents . The Tories , of course , urged Government not to proceed . The liberals , like Mr . Tufnell , found fault because property qualification is not abolished . Mr . Hbnbt Dbummond made this speech : — " £ , not Mk « Jji sir , that I who disliked so much the former Reform Bill , should look upon the present with any very favourable eye . That Keform Bill won nailed as u
revonnean this—that you do sever , and did at that time separate , property from power ; and no matter by what means- —no matter what are the words you . use—that severance is Socialism . ( Loud Opposition cheers . ) As to -whether it be wise for the noble lord now to bring forward this measure or not , I believe it is . I do not think it signifies whether we are in a state of -war or not . The measure contains that which must be sooner or later destructive . There is no reason in the world for stopping where you are . This is incense offered to that party which for twenty-one years the noble lord has idolised—tbe party which honestly declares , without any disguise , its intention and hope are to establish shortl y a democracy in this country . " ( Renewed Opposition cheersS
Mr . Thomas Duncombe said , the bill must be judged of as a whole . With some amendments it would become an excellent measure . His speech was the only one of spirit delivered during a listless debate . He pointed out that seVeral Whig boroughs were sacrificed , a fact that spoke well for the Government , fie taunted the Opposition with opposing this bill as they would have opposed a milder bill when there was no war . " What did they do in 1852 ? " What the Government should do was , to convince the country they were in earnest ; and whether the measuro would be popular or not depended on how far it opened the
door to " the industrious classes . He thought the noble lord had not opened the door wide enough . Two and a half years ' residence was too long , because , n the tena was completed just after the registration , the voter must wait another year , and' it became , in fact , three , and a half years' residence . With regard to the metropolitan boroughs , lie thought the reason of the noble lord , a good one—that the constituents were at then : very door . { A JavghJ ) If in earnest , he hoped the noble lord would receive the support of the country , and that he would depend on that support and the efforts of bis own Government to give that justice to the working classes -which he ( Mr . Duncombe ) contended had been much too long withheld . " The Beform Bill was brought in , read a first time , and saluted with loud cheering , on Thursday .
Another great debate was the retrospective discussion in the Lords on the past conduct of the Ministry , brought about on a formal motion for papers \> y lord Clanric&rde . This debate took place on Tuesday , and occupied over seven hours . In that time there were eight speeches delivered , four of which expressed approbation of the policy of the Government , three censured it , and one stood on isolated grounds . The bill of indictment against the Government was drawn up by Lord Clanbicabde . At great length he insisted , not that Government had not engaged earlier in war , but that they had not adopted
the best tineans of preventing hostilities . He contended that the call of CoLonel Kose for the fleet should have been responded to ; that Ministers had sent ^ instead a despatch , to St . Petersburg , disapproving of the advance of the French fleet from Toulon , that filled the Russian Court with joy , because it opened a prospect of disunion between England and France . For that despatch Ministers received the thanks of the Russian Government ! He also made much of a
despatch from Lord Stratford , written in July last , stating the actual condition of things , and urging a decision without delay . He complained that no understanding had been com « to with France as to the common object at which the two nations ¦ were to aim , and perhaps fight . He insisted that Austria had only yielded to our determination . He criticised the explanations of the entry of the fleets into the Black Sea , as given by Sir Hamilton Seymour to Count Nesselrode , showing that we told the liussian Minister that our fleet entered with no
hostile intentions , while the French Minister pointed out that the French fleet was to protect the Turkish territory . Why , he asked , were we ashamed to say what our intentions were , especially when we described the affair at Sinope as a defiance to the British flag ? Another grievance urged by the orator was the old one , that information had not been given to Parliament , and especially that a special statement had not been made when diplomatic relations were suspended on both sides . And finally , charging Ministers -with lack of purpose and infirmity of will , with not having defined objects and with not
showing vigour in preparing for war , he moved for papers . Lord M-Axwesbtjry took , in some respects , a different , but not a novel lino of attack . He put together a great many facts to show that Ministers ought to have been aware that the Russian design 3 were inimical to Turkish independence , in spite of the friendly assurances of the Russian Cabinet ; and he urged the argument discounted long ago by the morning journals , that the supposed want of union . between England and France deluded the Emperor of Russia into the adoption of the aggressivo policy he had followed . Government had not acted wiLh
troops towards the frontiers of Turkey , and of their subsequent concentration on . the Prutli . He insisted , with some vehemence , that Ministers should have addressed the Emperor of Russia , not with " bated breath , " but firm and resolute language ; have told him France and England would not permit him to invade the Principalities . Had the Emperor believed these countries would have cordially opposed him , he would never have brought on a war . He was led to believe England would not fight by the language held to him .
The Government speakers were Lord Clarendon , who answered Lord Clanricarde ; Lord Glenelg who stood by the Government generally ; the Duke of Argtll , who replied to some points put forward by the Opposition , and . Lord Aberdeen , who brought the debate to a climax . The chief of these speakers ceTtainly was the Foreign Secretary . At the very outset of his speech Lord Clarendon disposed of the argument so elaborately built up on the other side , that Ministers are blameable for trusting Russia .
" We received the strongest assurances that Prince Menschikoff ' s mission had reference solely to the question of the holy places ; and it was on that ground we felt it waa impossible to doubt the representations of the Russian Govern ment . My lords , I should as soon have thought of doubting what any noble lord in tbis House stated on Els' honour , as I wonld have thought of doubting or of taking any measures in distrust of the assurances which Bussia so distinctly and so repeatedly expressed to us . " He denied that there ever was the slightest
disagreement between England and France with respect to the advance of the French fleet ; and as to the non-advance of the British fleet from Malta , he showed that the French . Government , and even the Sultan himself , concurred in detaining it there . At that time the Russian Government professed to have only in view the question of the holy places . The presence of the combined fleets would have been an additional embarrassment ; and fall security for the future was taken when Lord Stratford went out , carrying with him full power to call up the fleet in
case of need . Lord Clarendon ' s explanation of the state in which we actually are caused some laughter . No distinct answer , he said , could be given to the question , are we . at peace or at war ? J We are not at war , because war is not declared—we are not strictly at peace witli Bussia . My noble friend may laugh ; bat he must know perfectly well that I am correct in saying that we . are not at war with Bussia , although diplomatic relations with that country lave been suspended . And you must remember , my lords , that these relations have * not been interrupted in consequence of our act , the initiative Having been taken b y Russia , who has declared that her diplomatic relations with us are simply suspended . Therefore I consider that we _ are in the intermediate state , that our desire for peace is just as sincere as ever : but then I must
say that our hopes of maintaining it are gradually dwindling away , and that we are drifting towards war . But as my noble friend ( Lord Aberdeen ) said tie other night , so long as war is not declared the maintenance of peace is not utterly to he despaired of . I therefore consider , rny lords , that the negotiations are now at an end ; but whether a state of warfare is instantly to ensue , I nm sure your lordships will not expect me in the exercise of my discretion or responsibility to state to your lordships the exact steps which her Majesty's Government think it necessary to take in the present aspect of affairs . Because your lordships must remember that we are not acting alone ; we are acting in conjunction with our allies ; and I think it will be sufficient at the present moment to say , in answer to the doubts thrown upon our proceedings by my noble friend , that every preparation is being made , and with all the vigour and all the rapidity which the existing stute of things demands . "
Anticipating an objection to be subsequently set forth at great length—namely , that we ought not to have interfered at all , Lord Clarendon put the results of non-interference in a striking way . " We might certainly have avoided the state of thiDgs which now excites and agitates men's minds ; but to do so would be to purchase a temporary repose at too perilous a risk . A protectorate over 8 , 000 , 000 or 10 , 000 , 000 of the Sultan ' s subjects , would have placed the throne and empire of the Sultan completely at the mercy of Russsia at any moment . Do -what you might to prevent it , liussia might thus become tho mistress of Constantinople ; and then , applying all her energies , and all her resources to increase lier naval strength , she would become a groat Mediterranean power , being also a groat Baltic power . Why , my lords , that case nothing would prevent tlie Emperor of Russia from
being the lord of Europe , and causing a constant and ruinous drain upon tho resources of other nations who wished to maintain an amount of naval force to counterbalance the power of ltu'ssia . The defence of Turkey , under thfcse circumstances , is a question which involves the independence of Europe—( cheers )—and not Franco and England alone have bo regarded it , but Austria and Prussia likewise . No one can doubt that , in the month of May lust , Austria and Prussia could have had no wish to ( jusirrel or be at difference with Russia unnecessarily ; and yoi , my lords , the representatives of those two powers at Constantinople , being consulted by the Porte , and receiving instructions from their own Governments , cordially united with the ambassadors oi England and Franco in loc . ommcnding the Poito to resist the demands of I ' rinco Menwhikufi " , clearly foreseeing the perilous results thut must ensuo from compliance with them . " Lord Clarendon contended that Government had not wavered or used indistinct luntruage to Kussia ;
vigour ; and had been too polite iu its language . The otlier antagonist of the Government was ! Lord Derby . His object was to reinforce the position taken up by Lord Mahnesbury , that Government had quite sufficient information in their hands in April last , to show that the assurances of Kussia were worthless , and that her designs wore war , if she could not succeed without . In proof of this he cited despatches from the Blue Book , showing that Lord Clarendon was amply informed of the movement of
luuonary measure by every man in the country who desired revolution , and it waa rep « lled as a revolutionary measure by every man in the country who disliked revolution—both Of them calling it honestly by that name . ( Loud Opposition ckeersj I can find no fault with the nobl « lord for pursuing tHe course on which he then entered ; but I confess to boing aomewbatat a loss to know how this can , in tho language of ii a 8 lwd nt the hcad of tho present Government , bo C * ll « a a progressive conservative measure . It is progress , je rtiMnly—progress in that revolutionary uieasaro which l . lf " S hlm 3 elf ( Lord Aberdeen ) so stigmatised SSSSfr * ' ( CA T ° Tlmt 1 L lnu * ni ) t bc »» id "' at I am CalllDg awnea without stating what 1 mean by the term I
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148 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 18, 1854, page 148, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2026/page/4/
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