On this page
- Departments (2)
-
Text (6)
-
_-u_-jr~_ TtCt\ ^IP ^^C ' tSwLtjl cX d* 4% <*V wJ^T* P. MTm , 1.1 Ij E- * rtf'TS?*' '^^ ^^' ( b (^
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
/ %H\*\t Iti* ^ ¦flTit 't'r' J^UUIIl JXWWWft H ,
-
Untitled Article
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Untitled Article
$ 3 / ^^ S ^^^ fesD" * v | t ? ttQi ( re 4 > jr Mr . Newdegate , equally W {/ - ' ^^^^^^ Offl . - B'P ^^ ' « ft ®? -wliich , leave was < d ^^^^^^ S ^^ MjBgB .- ; -tl | at the House do go into Com-2 % ^^ S B ^^ j ||^| M ( jB f and ^ & » n 8 , Mr . M . Gibson drew ^ 2 fen ^ B Kyj ^^^ y ^ * 8 ° ^ ^ ltra ^ * time of war . ^ llillaK ^ Jlflf'iS ^^ coa 8 e ( I Tience °£ a leanest from Sir ^ ^^^ g 9 HrafiplMb ) f' } ie ^ diQacle no allusion to "Prira-?" ¦ f ^ W ^^^ SP ^^ SS 1 ® wished to know what would be the y * v ^^^ j ^ STO ^^ TOr merchant ; vessels in the ensuing war , ' ' > s ^ JMB ^^^>*^ e 4 on trade with the enemy , on which the ¦ V ' ^ E ^ V&mn ^^ nit had expressed no decided opinion , alii ^ fl ^ ough - some imperfect information had been given i ^ j <| iqiSttbje « t throiigh 4 he publie journals . His ob-¦ ? SW ^ yas only that instructions should be given to her Ifajjesty rs ciiusers not to interfere ; with neutral % Imljf loaded srithjnereaatile j > rpdiice , not contxa-¦¦ * taiuidof war , eo that private property in the Baltic P ^ efoigbt $ m- respected , all theshipmentjs of Rus ¦ - ' - ¦ -iiiifr ^^ and ; paid for , and . i ^ terefore the . property Q ^ neiitrals or British subjects . I < i ^ I ^ fr-Hoxra ^ LKtfalfiopressed , the subject ; . >| - , ^ IiprdJ . RnasEJtL stated that ; the question was one £ ptm ^ & ^ M ^ t yf » 84 thecpreparation pf the paper by ki- tmist would guided would
^ hinh- thp i ^ VTAmmfint be euided re-^ bieh-rthe ^ C ^ yerBinettt ^ nwipt b §\ reinjurerthesjtrictestvvertalaceuracy ? but he hoped ¦^ th | £# wx&U ) 1 be . - ; iie » dy J ^ JForehosliilities werepxo" ' ^ iHinjgd . - ;^ r . - ' - .. i : I- ^ cS :. n ,:. c ¦ ¦ - £ xJ ^ ife || & : 3 ^ sajoJite » Kicabbk > , ar » 4 Mr . Bright : \ : ^ p ^ j ^ q !^ d- Ihft ^ prompt decision o £ the Govera-;^ p ^] t |^^/; tttii ^ fi |^ j ^] Q ^ n urgiug , 4 he necessity of ^^^ c ^ ipgcting ) fJaliy the < rights of neutrals , unless this , # CS ^ r a ^^ iB ^ bi | r << s * ri Wfiiltth ©; United -States . ' . ' . ^• IpjfK ' ^^^«*» % sa » ke 4 ' $ hV forbearance of the * jH&W&to ^^ : s v - ¦ ;• ¦ ' ¦ . - ' 4 ^^ 'QlM ^ il !? . AXl | j | a 9 Ufe € ^ i - > d 3 ) BCu . 8 si . <» B . tikext arose , which - ¦ in ^ m ^^ . Patrick ' s day ; on Mr . Cb ^ jMdp *^ bringing the question of the negfect ofolie C ^^ ; itt-iby jir . Stonor , who ^ e name had . been connected ^ 4 ^ h corruptispracticeSv at the cSligo Election before Mr .
his appoutcai 0 n ^ tola ^ iidge 8 hip at Tictoria . T ? . PisEiiadmitt ^ itxwas ^ aoyersight , and , Mr . Whjtk-8 U >^ . ^ rii 5 ift ( W » rTiBiaMir . ; Httme , 3 Miv S > ato . bib , Mr . Ba ^ cK /^ a ^ ioth ^ r meBftbers ^ alternately assailed and defended ttie ^ Y ^ rninf ^ . ^{ Afte « L , tbis fracap the ' JficipRe ^ we njt « into ; Ck ) inwttee of Ways and Means , iitheliwx « ie' ; ta *> / iwhen Mr . Hume proposed « n : amendm ^ t to bring th&jtax down to incomes of 60 / . a year ; to which I ^^ G-i'Apsxps& . vould not agree , Imt itnwa ^ jexentuaUy arranged that the question » 4 u > uldvheibr <) ught forward , on another occasion no ^ ^ rfchery progress was made /; and shortly after the House adjourned at twenty minutes past twelve . . ; In ? the House of ILords the Earl of Malmesbury
scvived ^ the ^ uestion of the / alleged betrayal of secrets ifAhe ^ Cabniet ^^ d ^ he transmitting of the contents of private Goyernme ^ n ^ despatches to the Times , whichJheSarf ^^ e ^ een had atated to have been th 6 act of . a-clerk in the Foreign-oflBce . Lord Malniesbury iiad , communicated with the gentleman indicated , a Mr . Hugh Astley , and he had received a letters from him denying that he had , directly- or indirectly , communicated the contents of any official document / and that as to those particularly in question he never knew of their existence until he heard of the accusation against him .
i The Bail of _ Abkr » ebn said , that on the last occasion that this matter was before the House , he had said he was willing to leave this matter to the decision of the , gentleman in question ; but he certainly did not by possibility- expect a denial of the fact . The letter read by Lord Malmesbury was , however , conclusive , and lie was sorry to have made the assertion he . did ; but he should be glad to put the noble earl in possession of the reasons on which-he did so . As a general rule , nothing could be higher than the character , or more honourable than the conduct of the clerks in the Foreign-office .
- The Earl of Derby expressed an opinion that Lord Malmesbury should accept the offer of Lord Aberdeen toi disclose the grounds on which he made the accusation in question . He then alluded to the fact that the Times had recently often been in possession of what ought to haire been secrets of the Cabinet , which couldNpnly have been obtained by the misconduct of some member of the Cabinet , or the want of discretion , of some official . He strongly stigmatised the . granting to newspapers the use of documents which were ,, not Jaid before Parliament ; for in the present inatanw a journal had been enabled to publish the ultimatum of the Government before it : could by possibility have reached the
Russian Government , and this might be accounted # > r by the fact , that the editor of the Times was on terms of personal intimacy with several members of the Cabinet , while other members of the Government wero absolutely " leader writers" in that paper . If the matter was not brought before Parliament , he would take upon himself the duty of endeavouring to induce Parliament to use its power to discover and put a stop to , as well as to punish , such , practices . In reply to Lord Ci ^ ankioabd « , Lord Clarendon promised that the whole of the plan of the Government , in regard t neutrals should bo l « id before JPoriluineint lu a few days . The House adjourned soon after six .
_-U_-Jr~_ Ttct\ ^Ip ^^C ' Tswltjl Cx D* 4% ≪*V Wj^T* P. Mtm , 1.1 Ij E- * Rtf'ts?*' '^^ ^^' ( B (^
grs % » c
Untitled Article
Dhere is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing » o unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to Iceop ttunga fixed when all the world'is by the very law of its creation , in . eternal progress . —Db . Abhold
Untitled Article
arrangements of Europe ; it is very difficult thus to measure out war accurately by the yard , or effectually to bring down the " blasting influence" agaiiist which Lord Clarendon proclaims a crusade , without giving a shake also to some other blasting influence . This conservative view reminds one ( rf the task imposed upon some fairy hero , to carry on a broadsword combat wita
ten men , while he continued to play a lute ^ as a charm to prevent the castle walla : from tumbling about his ears . Burif in England we doubt the possibility of Lord Aberdeen ' s successfully carrying through a broadsword combat while he is playing the lute f ! w * the preservation of Austria , it is evident that to the Prussian Government the proposed course of action , which would sacrifice the vecySnobject of all the warfare , aiid the complete curbing of the blasting influence tp . ithe
convenience of Austria- —Prussia ' s rirai in Germany—moist suggest serious reasons to doubt the sincerity , the good faith , the strength , the independence—in short , the honest purpose <> f the English Government * The attempt to hold up Prussia to odium-as a dca « xter , and then to frighten her- iikto ; an alliaiice , not only adds insult to injury , but furnishes a foretaste of the treachery which is anticipated . . SiWJh is the -view on which the conduct of
IS SECRET ADMINISTRATION UN-ENGLISH ? The disclosure made by the Times on Saturday , that a secret negotiation has been going on between tKe Russian Sovereign and our (• jrovernment , raises two questions which are in themselves absolutely distinct .
, -Prom all that we know on the siibject , we are not at all inclined to presume that the English Government will be convicted of showing any subservience to Russia , especially in the recent stages of the dispute ; and we fully expect that , the correspondence which will be laid "before Parliament
wHldisplay bus Ministers in a position more creditable than that which hap been hitherto assigned io them ,-l = « iore in accord with the description which Jbojrd Clarendon has given ofthewar , its motives and objects . At all events , 4 > n that question our judgment must be entirely suspended , until we shall have the evidence before us ..
The second question , however ,-is of still greater importance ;—of importance quite as great in regard to tHe specific subject of war , and infinitely , larger in regard to the general conduct of pur Government in conducting the affairs of the country abroad . It ia the question—To whom are Ministers responsible ? Something must be amiss , when we find boniest men , like Lord John Russell , betrayed into secret negotiations with mean offenders that wear crowns or stars abroad .
And there are otter signs that something is going wrong — something "which threatens that while we are wasting "blood and treasure to purchase victories by sea . and land , we may be losing much greater ground in the covert battle of diplomacy . The fact is that Prussia , which hai been up to a certain point urging Austria into a more cordial alliance
with this country , had drawn back and shirked the alliance , turning cool and endeavouring even to prevent Austria from going forward . The immediate impulse , of course is immense indignation against Prussia . But we have heard it averred that Prussia is not acting in the present instance without grounds .
According to the view whieh is entertained in Berlin , Prussia , does not hesitate to take a decided step herself , bat requires other parties in the negotiations to take steps not less decided . Englishmen have already asked whether their own Government has established a firm position ? For example , has Lord Aberdeen taken any guarantee that the treaties which Russia has so abused shall be cancelled , and not renewed for purposes of further abuae ? We are not aware that he
has done so ; and it is quite natural that Prussia should be startled at any appearance of faltering decision in the English Government . Englishmen would desire that their ovn Government should effectually sustain the objects which we have in the East ; but it ia evident that to Prussia any vacillation in England must imply a doubt whether the alliance with this power would be safe and politic . It ia the policy of Austria to make just so much war as is possible without disturbing tho existing
Prussia is explained— -a view which ia formed not without some knowledge of the councils actually prevailing in Berlin . " We do not say that it is a just statement of the case as respects either Austria or England . "We have no evidence with which we could compel the reader to accept it ; but we do "say that the exposition of such a view is sufficient to
create a strong desire for a much more explicit statement on the part of our Government Prussia says , You are sacrificing the interests of Eorope , in owlei * to subserve the purposes of Austria , by keeping the war within certain delicately arranged limits . Now is that true or is it not ?
It is the more desirable to know , since the very approval which Government receives' for keep-ing back information is in itself suspicious . Lord Derby thinks that Government is right ; Lord Malmesbury would not call for an explanation ; and , indeed , that class of gentlemen speak as if the conduct of the Administrators for the time being only concerned themselves , —as if the great body of tlie nation really had mo interest in the matter . It ia only by the accidental intervention of the Times that this information is
dragged out ; and evidently neither the Ministerial statesmen , nor the Anti-Ministerial , think that nation of any importance . A _ nd perhaps they are right . The day is passed when the nation was prepared to prove its own importance . Formerly , before the representative cli amber would vote the public money , it required to know what the money was voted for . But , one by one , Parliament has been giving up its privileges . To raise questions on nights of supply is
thought unpolifce . That duty is leit Government entirely ia the lianda of gentlemen having crotch eta to serve , who can obtain attention at no other time , and who prostitute the right of stating " grievances " . until it bec-omea a mockery . The English nation which has suffered itself to be deprived of thes privileges secured to it in the Bill of
Eights , —winch has virtually , if not literally , yielded up its local government , its right of meeting , ita suffrage for every freeman , its right of possessing arms , its right of withholding supply until knowing "what it ia wajited for , —really retains no power of ita ovrn—no power to which Ministers or Parliament really defer . If Ministers slight the nation , it ia because the nation prefers to be alighted . But , in the meantime , it ia well to
Untitled Article
252 % m THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,
/ %H\*\T Iti* ^ ¦Fltit 'T'R' J^Uuiil Jxwwwft H ,
^ uhlit MttiTs
Untitled Article
Saturday ; march is , 1854
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), March 18, 1854, page 252, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2030/page/12/
-