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    the Duke of Newcastle , who fcelieves Ireland is only to be governed in . a popular spirit , and who thinks that Keogh and Sadleir are the men to keep a Government well in with the priests , —will write longletters to Stonor explaining : — "My dear Stonor , —It ' s a deuced bad business ; but it can't be helped . Moore is so vindictive , and had been heard to speak to Disraeli on the matter ; so you must lie by , and let it blow over . Hope you ' ve good weather in Victoria . No news . Yours truly , &c . "—And the matter will blow over ; and Mr . F . Peel will look as solemn

    and wise as ever , and will as much as ever look down on his brother—who is called " Elastic Bands" to distinguish him from " RedTape "—as " impulsive , " and " so inaccurate . " And though the leading journal , which ( urns round fcwiee a week , and which is shocked at electoral immorality , calls for general justice a Ia Stonor . and demands that nobody who bribes should get anything , —an arrangement which would considerably relieve Hayter ' s . mind , in answering the applications of independent members , —still it is possible that no remarkable change will very soon be

    awake ) self-government for the colonies , the home country having got all that sort of thing already ; and Mr . Bernal Osborne will reappear in debate , and publicly crack some private jokes—such as that it is quite official for a Lord of the Admiralty to be half seas over , * and that Sir James Graham was only inspecting the -state of the Baltic fleet when he got into a " me * s . " . But that is all : a Whig party cannot be reconstructed while all the Whigs are saying that " Beform" is Lord

    John ' s crotchet ; a coalition is likely to be a normal condition of our . politics for some time to come ? and even in Opposition , if Lord John sdught to bVan Opposition leader , the utmost he could hope would fie to lead a Coalition Opposition . He couldnot venture to impede Government by pertinacity * out of office , with his deplorable Reform Bill , that no one cares about ; and nothing can be clearer th $ n this , that not even on the question , of Beforna could he control the idolatrous Radicals who , for the nonce , surprise him , as well . as ruin , him ,

    Parliament is told nothing whatever about the war , except that what the newspapers tell is all fabe , which the newspapers the day after can teU ( hemselves , with the conscientiousness which distinguiahei British journalism in the enjoyment of idiots fiir foreign , correspondents , the obvious inquiry is thia — why should there be a Parliament yrhtta there is a war ? la it to get «* papers ? " Observe that Lord J > erbyv one of the governing classes , said on Monday that lie was aware of the existence of the to-be celeTbralted correspondence between ' the Russian and' English

    Courts , but that he would never have thouglitPof mentioning any thing about the Inatter to tne en ' - lightene < 3 country ! had it riot Beeift for the Czar ' s spitei an * the Ti * ief ] " * * -L 3 ^ od ^ ittfred SrkncK liness . Observe , also , that 'Mr : © i * raeli , the all biit reckless : leader of a discontented Opposition , said , the same night , that he "fulfy ? admitted theneoettitiy of a Government strikingl « ut alli ^ flconMeoiial passages" ( that is , the passage * that would UUmayf thing ) from thepaper * la |^^^|^ amei ) t ^ uid he went en to make a ^ m » f ^ ll ^ li ^!^^ 0 $ m be celebrated papers , ^ bo ^ t ^^ Qr ^^ pt ^ dence were of an exceptional elMaapteiri onlytp y-be produced by an accidental neceBsity , they should not

    be . in polntof to ^ e ^^/^ 1 ^ country ever get out of its traditions that it is frei , and face such things as BucHobseMt ions imply ? Will the country never see i thit the i goyerriing classes have ' tliemost nearty cqnfteDan't for it audits delusional . , , ¦ . .. .., .. ' ,, > . . .... . , „ T . ^ r . By-aDd-by , " after . Easter , " ] the Coalition—of whomsoever it may tbe& ^ 6 bmj ^^ i ^ wW ^ tlPaxliament' prorogued : itttliv-CI ^ tn »* i : " and' thfeA ^ ouV bury ^ p ^ mmmmSm $ »»» money is voted : - and . Jx > viret the mauet * voted . with

    rapidity , it is suggested that Mr . Glad * tonfi shoiUd endeavour to avoid the double column ^ of attack on the income-tax , led ; by &fr . I ) isnHftiandiAfr ^ Humc by taking Sir Charles Wood ' s peitnanentadtioeio Finance Ministers ia a Iffeii ^ td , ^ e # Bl ^ 1 iti boageti ; ^^' ' ^ l ^ sW ^ ptt ^ ^ mbrtHKarfcttrifc has confessed one is ^ t * rror ^^ d ^ to ^ onfess . that Mfi ^ MH ^ lK ^ ilNV Napoleon ' s war finance ha » given England a fewm ; and the coaUtion may , be quit © certain , that they w # l have to go to a loan .- Xipancisl : Ba | brni AAteurt&p theories explode in the presence 6 & great facts v ' atitik

    as a war opens Mr . Hume will * ee that no country will consent to be so virtdouras'to " pay id wj ^ yi " We are not more hooiest than our fatheni and ^ ur fathers infiisted that we should pay the expenjes of their magnanimous wars ' to Wsto ? 4 the Bbaxt ^ nl ^ In now-undertaking at great a wa ^( in < compah ^ with him who is nephejr of the man fh $ ; Lastw&r * l » , tp put down ) to preserve ffaj ^ ^ uirjks ,. which is quit < & as chivalrous as the atteoipt ; to restore the Bburboia 8 ^ = and even more spiritedly impracticable — we are quite certain to insist that our sons and grandsons shall slmre so much of the glory as is included in th $ participation , of the cost . . ' Saturday Mooting , A Stkangeb . ' <

    by insisting that they have confidence in him . And Lord John would not lead Manchester in opposition ; and no Liberal leader can do anything in this country unless he secures Manchester . As long ais Manchester supported the present Coalition it was very strong . Manchester , which wants conditions about the war and reality about the Beform Bill , is now dead against the Coalition . War was declared on Monday , when Mr . Bright showed up Lord Balmerston , Sir James Graham , and Sir . William Molesirorth ; and when Mr ^ Cobden keenly ridiculed the

    indignation of those personages by the remark that , when a man got into a passion and talked , of his indifference and contempt , the said man'was most probably doing a very silly thing ; and the prediction may be safely ventured on . that , if Mancheste r is not appeased , which Mur . Disraeli will endeavqur to prevent , neither Lord Aberdeen nor Lord John will , get on very well or very comfortably . As to Lord Palmerston , who has now for the second time within the memory of the new Parliament « xpref 8 e 4 his derision of liberals , it . is to be hoped we shall

    hear no more from the Dudley Stuart or Deadly stupid class of Radicals of that noble viscount ' s , anxiety aboiit the' struggling nationalities on the Continent . But that is hoping much , There is Sir James G-raham , who every session commits some grotesque stupidity , and yet session after session we hear of Sir James Graham ' s tremendous capacity as " a first-xate man , sir . " Men will believe anything who will believe Lord Aberdeen when he repudiates the statement that the Government organ is the Government organ .

    If Lord John would rise above his resolution to spite a Lord Grey , and gain the approbation of a Joe Hume or Jack Shelley , and would note the signs of the times , he would see that the present phase of the Parliamentary Reform question is this —ought there to be a Parliament at all during a war ? Lord Malrnesbury was loudly hear-heared on Monday , when he suggested that a constitutional Government was at a great disadvantage , in carrying on a war , in not being enabled to enforce " secrecy '' of deliberation and operation : and that distinguished

    Whig , Earl Fitzwilliam , was also applauded by the Lords , and would get the majority of the votes of the House of Commons , in the argument that " The Press" was a nuisance . Last night , what could be more " inconvenient" tlian the questions pub to Ministers about Neutrals ? Not that they gave any answers that wo could understand ; and not , indeed , that our constitutional Government , doesn ' t , after all , contrive , to obtain more " secrecy" than such an excellent despotism as that of our beloved illy , Louis Napoleon , cares to seek for . But it v « xes

    Ministers : teases Foreign-office clerks : and the Senate not being after all instructed , the Senate begins to tliink , and thon the public , that , perhaps , it would be just as well , and not less dignified , if Mr . Layard got no opportunity of making rcsultless speeches , and if the Houses agreed to be prorogued till , —her Majesty wanted more money . It is the almost universal argument that while a war is being curried on no other " question , " not even that of " Keform , " ought to be entertained : and if the fact happens to turn out , on the one hand , that no question is entertained , und on the other that the

    made ia ordinary political arrangements . The Duke of Newcastle has ; dragged Mr . Stonor . from the bench ; but there ia ho doubt that the Duke of Newcastle Cuniess Moore kills Sadleir in the "inevitable duel , coiiseq . uent . upon the feverish scene of last night , and'so gets on anew committee of awkward private investigation ) will do all he can to get a judgeship for his pleasant little friend , Mr . Keogh , who probably knows how it came about that Stonor , an English barrister , got to bribing in the back streets of an Irish borough . And though the Irish

    Member Morality Committee is expected to make rather a strongish report , to the effect that certain poor , but philosophical Hibernian gentlemen contrive at once to serve their country and get lots of patronage , which they sell to the highest bidder , still there is no reason to suppose that any large number of Irish representatives will be expelled , or ! that , if they ; were ,. ' . their excessively Catholic and Christian country- would not send men like them back again—priestB excelling in nephews and cousins , — and Duflyites ^ having no bowels for the claims of family against the claims of nationality . Stonor is to be unwigged , as having a bosom unworthy of the

    ermine , but will Coppock—he of a corps of Stonors , —be less affectionately greeted ? Will Stafford ; who made a self-governed country pay for his hotel bills , and who s . old the * . navy that , he might buy vote 3 , — will Stafford rush to a Sabine farm and repose under branches and read the Georgics in a Hundred of Chilterrt ? Will any one of those members , who owe their seats in . the enlightened People ' s . House to the vigorous villany which feeds Stonors and degrades electoral Englishmen , resign , and rush in search of death , into the ranks of those brave troops who are on their way to bewilder the harems , and defend the honour

    of Turkey ? Ncu if when Stonor returns , he gets a seat in the Strangers' Gallery , he will see and hear many debates , in which all the debaters either have had transactions "with Brown or Coppock , or have availed themselves of that charming fact distinguishing our happy land—viz ., that " property always has its influence , " which means that , if you 6 wn a whole borough or half a county , you will have sufficient Sritons , who never shall be slaves , to get you within range of Mr . Speaker's eye .

    Unless , indeed , as Lord John would say , we get the Reform Bill made law this session—with its Corruption-cure " riders , " which only those of great faitli , like the unsophisticated Mr . Hume ( who two years ago , commenting on Lord John ' s democracy speech , said he didn't believe in Lord John ) , are disposed to believe . We are to have a ( proposed ) second reading of the bill : and we are to have the bill defeated , and a Cabinet crisis : and several applications from independent members have already reached Lord

    Aberdeen , who will remember everything but the names of the applicants , for the places of Sir William Molesworth and Mr . Osborne—Lord John ' s payless place not interesting any one outside the Cabinet . But what then ? Lord John Russell will sit on a back bench instead of a front bench , and will have more time to g-ot up those clever anecdotes of his which never tell : and Sir William Moles-* orth will return to his historical task , so worthy of a British Radical , of obtaining ( when he is

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    March 18 , 1854 . ] THE LEADER . ^ - " . ¦ " —¦ ii—n ^ ^ — _

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    The Protestant Idka . —Protestantism has done great things for us . Our princes might enjoy the release afford ^ bjr too Reformation from their dependence on R owland pertain advantages jn regard toterritory and regal aignity ; but all these were small matters in comjgatppn with the benefit to our fathers and ourselves of the cleir' conception of the ri g ht of free inquiry and private judgment , and of the poV litical liberties which follow from these personal prerogativei . When ovx Elizabeth wits the central power of Protestantism , h ^ ted by the old world of Europe , and idolised by the new mind that was growing up , the English nation was alive in every fibre . How its heart beat wnen the news came th ^ t the bpanish Armada was on the sea ! How its pulses throbbed when its sovereign called it out to defend its shores and all the liberties within them ! And bow the people rallied « s one man when the procession of sails appeared in tho channel , as if England and Spain had come n § against each other likp heaven and hell ! I Fit Lad been heuven and hell , our fathers could not have been more alive , —more full of purpose ana duty , or of the sublime joy that attends upon them . Then was established our dominion of the seas ; and then arose the first clear conviction that the interests of the soverei gn and the people were one . It ia the fashion in Catholic countries to make out that Protestantism was a great curse to as by occasioning tho strifes between the Episcopalians and the Puritnn . 8 ; but the answer is found in the position held by England in Cromwell ' s time . The continental relations , of England during the protectorate were such as no nuonfcrcn but Elizabeth had ever conceived of . We were able to help the weak and awe the strong . To " avenge the slnughtcrqa saints , " victims of Catholicism , became soon unnecessary ., because our mere reprobation sufficed . In the strength of our lioarta we conquered on every aid «; and the world , seeing us in earnest ^ waited on our bidding ; . This was because we had a conviction to work from , and a duty to do . — Westminster Jievieto .

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), March 18, 1854, page 257, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2030/page/17/