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^ op inions we theaexpressedas to to gefie-» al metita . If it falls short , i » spm&rr ^ spestij of t * 0 point at which pubtte opouoji haft anfee ^ - it ia feirly entitled to the praise bestowed upon it by ita promoters , as & large and comprehensive measure . WitJa a scrur pufoius regard for the interests of the Univer sity , the Government refrains from a&y interference beyond what was imperatively demanded by the necessities of the ease , but
we believe that the proposed measure of reform will tumi out to be of a more sweeping character than might at first sight appear . Hifckerto , for instance , the government of the- University has been , in the hands of a Board consisting of the heads of colleges , but chosen without the slightest reference to their qualifications for the office . They were called upon to preside over the studies , the discipline , and the general interests
of the University , without a single claim to respect on the ground of superiority in wisdom , learning , or experience Under a system professedly representative , the executive power represented nothing but thd caprice or prejudice of one among the many elements which compose the University A » a matter of fact , the persons thus elected have been distinguished only by the contuma * oiou&obstinaey of their resistance to any mea
titg i £ , £ he University ISm § et pf j ^ ejaged ^ aurpa&on . But the mk > le . $ B $ g& > n b now removed from their jurisdiction . Th $ first clause in the Bill provides for the apppint-Hient of five comngris 8 J . oners , w&ofe dujby jt will he $ q reject or sanction * in tfye name of JParliament , any measure that may be take ^ n ,
by the colleges for carrying out the inten ^ tions ojf Governmen t .. Twp years are s ^ ll tjb be allowed for self-ceform , in accordance with the provisions of the new Bill , but after that time a recusant college will be placed | n the hands of the commissioners , armed with the authority of Parliament , and merciless in their hatred of corruption and abu ^ e .
We deeply regret ; that Lord J ohn 3 $ iiasell should have hesitated , at Qfle stroke , to nationalize Oxford by the abolition of tests . This omission is the fatal mistake in the measure . In spite of his own conviction * and the SJUpi- ? fest tendency of public opinion , Lord Johubfts yielded a weak submission to the in | luei | G 6 of his colleagues , and has . enfeebled , if he has not lost , his hold upon some of his most earnest
and valuable supporters . Thus much , however , we caii offer in . excuse . To iisserfca clause in favour of piasters might hay © occampnecl the losj of i ^ e JBU 1 , and we are convinced that Oxford , reformed after the fashion proposed by ILord VlbnnMtussefl ; wiM be unable to resist the tendencies of" the age , and will be in a raueh better position for carrying out her own will . In short , the Baea ^ upe is too good to be loat , an , d we accept it a $ an earnest of better things to come .
spjpea of reform , and the vehemence with whieh ' thej- contended for the preservation of their usurped authority . If Iiord John . Russell ' s bill is carried out , this anomaly will be swept away . The Hebdomadal Board is to be replaced by a bod y which wiU represent , in due proportion , the different classes and interests in tbe Uiiwersit ^ r . The new council is to © ensist of twenty-four members . The . Vice * Chaaacellor and the two proctors are to be
members ea-efficio ; one head of a college , two professors , of whom one shall always be of the theological faculty , are to be appointed "b y th e Chancellor , and six heads pi colleges , six professors , and sis : senior members of Convocation are to be appointed fey the Congregation ^ a body composed of the chief officers and teachers in the TJniversity , and whose resuscitation constitutes , one of the most striking and practical features of the Q-overnment plan . Once again , after
¦ Centuries of misgovernment , the theory of representation will be carried out in practice , qnd Oxford will be ruled by alLmeq ^ who possess her confidence . We still , indeed , object to any patronage being vested in the Crown . We are certain that the Universities ought , and we believe that , under the new system , the University of Oxford will be in a fit position to be entrusted with the full right of selkgoverninent , and we are sorry that the appointment of any office should be retained in the hands of the Chancellor .
The power to open private halls , under the license of the Vice-Chancellor , by a senior fltiember of the University , will introduce large classes of the people who have hitherto been excluded from admission . The opening of fellowships , with an exception in favour of public schools , the permission to absolve a certain number of the fellows from the obligation to take holy orders , aud the restrictions to be placed upon , the tenure of fellowships—are points in the new bill which deserve all praise , but on which our space will not allow us this
week to offer any comments . We cannot , however , omit to notice that clause which confers full power on the colleges to alter their statutes , to abolish the oaths imposed on fellows , and to set aside a portion of their property for purposes other than those for which it was originally decreed , but still in conformity with tU 3 intention of the founder . It is strange that this proposal , which seems like an act of common aenso , should excite so much disapprobation among tho Oxford Heads , whose exercise of the supreme autho-
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WHAT SHOUU ) BE PUBLISHED . In taking exception to our argument against suppressing particular as well as general description of certain cases , the Globe appears to us in part to have misconceived oue argument . Our contemporary doea not believe that the suppression of details has any effect but to disappoint , a morbid Appetite , and to prevent young men in provincial towns from imitating " fast ' men about town . Our
contemporary argues that such , details are not worth publishing ; but that it ja the ¦ names of the persons who are implicated which ought not to be screened from pub > - licity . Now there is some truth in this objection . In each case it must be Jaiowu which details are essential , and which are not so—a question , to be decided by the
peop Y k ^ p ^ 16 m $$ g&i Hd-ftficLy & *§ ^^ tfoaajly fajl WK 3 ^ S p tWfjec * of nW mff ^ m'SBSS ' fye treated as a shameless taocriJbe . lu tfiw iZ ? , ^ " ?* ; * w * wte ? Wm . Bwb oil t £ e statute law of MWfi * % m& Sfcciefcy , S t ^ e common . law ot human , nature . He evades the S i tajtute when he 4 p , ej not $ ejy it , anj ~ outrages natural justice aa £ $% &h & <> & £ & iiy the habife of tofeajjjg mn # 8 |^^ e r ©^ ge ^ bed
the law ^ dictated > y scicie | y an ^ L ^ j ^ b ^ not only is he allowed an immunity which h § doesnpt deserve , but sp ^ etysCjprjrup ^ a itself ia paltering witfe ij ^^ waggi ^ eienijer Tfee ^^ g ; mg- * P * &&m » J » c ^ esJilte ? fea *| e friglitfjg lesson that men may take what license thej plea ^ , if %$ y wul g % y ^ t | e 7 , tr | feu ^ whi ^ i vice pay § to virtue . " I ? he converse of t ^ ^ onqlusj ^ fe > , th ^ thQa ^ w } ia depart /^^^ l ^ ' mmiTMiM
and depraved , bufe wh ^ &&& $£ & fey * W fe tates of Gonsciejace , are treated as outlaws , j = « Further to re * enforce our original meaning let us-say that in many cases it is the giir ^ icur lam ^ lone that hucMe / up conviction fc ^ a sense of tihe neoes ^ iiyfor action . It require * a novor list , a ^ rama ; ti ^ , 01 im &&& of : sQtt \ e feincl , to realisejsii &afe b *< mmsyMi » % gejaeral . sjt ^ r TOen * , 5 to ordiuapy min ^ s ^ generality conr veya lit ^ e , ^ &' * w&ti » : &- tfee case , of Hew
Soatil Wales . The Crimea and ho ^ rora of epja ^ tism in . t ^ afe ; ^ aiktry Jh § & fce ^ n ^» EiQBn 0 ed , oyer md < mm «^» i m gmmfr terms ; an < i tke system continued to be tole rated both ia the colony and . at home . But wkeu . a dwm J&i £ Wk 4 | f ^ &Ma ^ - ' ^ rQ : / g ^ together in a . room , ^^ wLe ? L t hey ivere ma < fe to confront tbe Mdeo ^ cJ ^ is ift ^ ejSeibcjt ifogggp
pBeseno © i -tfaggr saw tkft ^ ijiirt ^ flfeetti of revulsion in flushed cheek y and ' countienaRQes wojptdy with howor and disgust ; ajid : theu but aot feUl then , they MtjJthftfe 'fpe ^ ljytheae thing * must not go o&S * ^ ^ feegB tfeiftga accor ^ p ii 3 # y wser © 8 t ^ ppe 4 ^ se « alitkB ft ^ s ^ r fwm the feelings , aud logic neve ? haa a hundredth part of the effect that hearty feeluag htas in bringing meu fep tibs polet of aotion , i
judgment of the reporter ; and it will be a matter of art in the reporter to convey only such information as is needed , and so to state the facts as to convey the information only to such readers as can use it . Beyond that , we agree with our contemporary in thinking it is mischievous as well as superfluous to give particulars .
We also agree "with our contemporary that our social state is not one of universal proj > fligacy , and that extreme profligacy ia e ^ B ^ otional ; but we do insist that a practical disr regard of natural and instinctive moral feeling ) as well as conventional morals , is habitual with a large class in society , andL that , not " universal , " but wide-spread corruption is veiled by the disguise of an hypocrisy which pretends that the case is not so .
The suppression of reporting to which we particularly refer consists in hushing up such cases , or softening the confession which they imply bj stifling the details which Btamp tho true character of the case . It is not only particular gentlemen whom it is important to expose , it ia not only particular cases that it is desirable to lay open ; but it is above all desirable to check that increasing habit of society which licenses corruption by a common consent to hush it up .
To give an instance . It is a common expression that So-and-so " is not a naarrying man . " Tho phraeo runs glibly oif the tongue ;
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CHUEOH I ^ GJ ^ LAX ^ P ^ Thebs have been two measures , recently introduced to the notice of ^ ftrl ^ mjent connected with ^ ch » imU ^ l \»^ gm , Qmyxo poses to . set fyee the CU ^ irch in t&ft . fiftl&WMf ; the other nropoaed fa jjejiiev ^ # iet Ohswrch , < oX England ot a gt ^ amiM ; ) mth pepvUy&ly illustrate the ajaar ^ hieaJi sii « te . of British opinion on these vital Bubjeeta , It will be remembered that Iwk sesaioja
the Archbishop of Oanterbujy caja £ e . d a biP through the House of liords enabling ttw > Colonial Church to regijlate its qw » affairs ; but that , as it came down to t \\ & House of Commons at the close of the eesaion , it wa » ^ trpown out ,. However , 0 over » ment then pledged itself to introduce a bill on the subject , and that pledge has been redeemed . In some respects the biU of the Solicitoiv ^ Greneiral differs from that of the Primate , but
substantially it would accomplish what is just and desirable , namely , the removal of certain disabilities that affect the colonial clergy . By an old act of Parliament , passed when there were no British colonies , theclergy were forbidden to meet without theroyal permission . It is easy to conceive that as there is no other connexion between the Colonial and the Home Church , except a spiritual one , and no connexion between th& colonial stat © authorities and the colonial
churches , this disability entails many and serious inconveniences . All other sects in tbe colonies can regulate their affairs } but the laws of England follow the clergy of the > Established Church , aud preclude them froia the benefits of concert , so essential in ecclesiastical matters . It rauet be obvious that this
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Mab 6 H tot , 1854 . ] f gg &IAgj $ . gg
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 25, 1854, page 279, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2031/page/15/
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