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    not ta bear arms against King James , yet both Whigs and Tories , -when he violated his contract , were not deterred from taking arms by the oath which had been framed after seventeen days ' debate . If or had the oath prevented votes on . the Irish Church Establishment .. It was a great mischief when a political question was before the House , and members ought to be free to vote as the welfare of the country might dictate , but a certain set were liable tote told they could not vote a certain way without committing perjury . He referred to the settlement of 1829 , which it had been said ought not to be disturbed , and gave ah account of the

    assistance which the Opposition had lent to the Government of that day in order to obtain any kind of settlement . They had desired alterations , but on Sir Robert Peel ' s asseverations , given to Lord Althorp , that this was the best bill he could carry , and that further demands by the friends of the Catholics might endanger it , they supported the meaure throughout . But , a quarter of a century later , he certainly considered that any part of the measure found to be objectionable was a legitimate subject of discussion . Then , as regarded the oath denying the jurisdiction of foreign princes , he did not tleem that any further security than the common law was required . The only parties against whom security had been desired were the Roman Catholics , and this bad been parted with in 1829 , and

    high judicial authority had recognised Roman Catholic priests acting in responsible public situations under the authority of Borne . He thought it better , therelore , to have no ambiguous expressions in the oath . He had no new argument to use in favour of the admission of Jews . The only argument against them was that they differed from us in religion . If the House were prepared to adopt this test , exclude the Jews ; but if Roman Catholics and Dissenters were let in , he would say that the Jews were a loyal , intelligent , and trustworthy class , as competent as any other to assist in the counsels of the State . He therefore called on the House to remove the last bar , # nd not to exercise religious intolerance- because they wele few in : number and without political power .

    Mr . JOisuAEM said that three different issues had to be considered . Xord John Rassell would not hear from htm the taunt that he had taken up the cause of the Jews , from any other motives than those of conviction . He had himself frequently supported him in his efforts . Why ? " Sir , when I remember how much we are indebted to that people , of what ineffable blessings they hare been the human agents—when I remember tSat by their history ,, their poetry , their law , our lives are instructed , solaced , and regulated—when I recal other considerations and memories more solemn and reverential , to which I will not farther advert , I confess that I cannot , as . a . Christiah . oppose the

    claims of those to whom Christianity is so ranch , indebted . If I look to modem history and tKo claims they have oh the kindness of the House of Commons , it \ b my belief that if the Bible had pot beep translated and printed , there would not have been an English House of Commons at this moment ; and I tttfuld remind the members who represent Scottish constituencies how much the liberties of Scotland are indebted to the Jews , and their freedom is owing to the * sword of the Lord and of Gideon . ' When I remember these circumstances , I _ think that the claims of the Jews to political emancipation canriot be , and-hare not , in my mind , been met by any argument that has at all influenced nay opinion ;

    and there is also another reason why I more particularly wish that the grant of these immunities , by which the English Jews will be put on a level with their fellow-subjects in every respect , should not be denied or delayed . I canriot conceal from my mind that there is no country in which that people have been persecuted which has not suffered , whose energies have not withered , whose political power has not decayed , and where there h ave not been evident proofs that the divine favour haa been withdrawn from that land . I refer now to the cases of Spain and Portugal , as well as to thoso of Italy and other southern countries . I cannot say that in England an accusation of that kind can be made with any " ufttice . "

    ¦ Lord J . Russell , had he limited his efforts to obtaining political emancipation of the Jews , should have found him a humble bat faithful supporter . He did not think Lord J . Russell could much complain of his want of success , or that the Jews could murmur at the receptions of their claims , which hnd had much more success than the Roman Catholic claims in the same time . Public opinion , also , had been influenced in their favour . Feeling the advance of the question , he deeply deplored that it had been mixed up with others that embarrass and retard it .

    " We must remember that the race for whom the noble lord is , we are informed , peculiarly interested , ia not a raoe which cannot afford to wait . / Thoy are not a new people who have just got into notice , Hind who , if you do not recognise their claims , will disappear . They aro an ancient people , a famous people , an enduring peoplo j and a people who in the end have generally attained their objects . I hope Parliament may endure forever , and sometimes I think it will 9 but I cannot hel p remembering that the Jews have outliyed Assyrian kings , Egyptian Pharaohs , Roman Coosars , an Arabian Caliphs , and therefore I think wo need not precipitate their claims , to their ultimate prejudice , and against publio feeling , but that wo may freely leave them to their

    own course , sure that argument and fair discussion will facilitate and accomplish it . " There need have heert no hurry ; and he demanded why the Jewish cause should have been prejudiced by mixing it with considerations of the gravest political problems ? The emancipation should have been demanded on the broad basis of religious liberty . A . separate Jewish oath should have been prepared . He hoped one day to see tho Jew take his place in that House , not by the odious omission of certain -words , but by a declaration , of bis own creed . ^ As regarded the other issues , he thought the alteration of the oath of supremacy unstatesrnanl&e ; for such oaths

    were associated in the public mind with great political facts on which the constitution was based . And he thought no course could be . more calculated at this moment to aggravate animosity than , the alteration of the Roman Catholic oath . He had a great respect for the Roman Catholic , though the Popes had always treated the Jews ill , and to that fact he attributed the present state of Italy . He did not believe that the influence of the Papacy -was declining—we had to encounter no common power ., A few years ago the Premier of England announced to a crowded House tliat there vas a vast conspiracy on the part of tjheh Papacy against their liberty , and did they believe that it was a power which formed vast conspiracies and

    gave them up ? Nothing could remove the impression produced by the noble lord ' s announcement , nor had anything occurred to show that the Papacy -was less grasping or aggressive . This was not the time or the occasion for publicly intimating that we were relaxing securities and weakening bulwarks . He could not , therefore , support the bill , but lie never took a course which gave him more pain , but which he more felt to be his duty . He added a sober declaration that no member ~ of his party had / eye ? sought to influence his conduct oh this question , and he conducted with a prediction that the , time would come wnen the ^ Jew would receive fuu emancipation Lord J . Russell ' s faith in this result was founded on his belief in religious liberty , Mr . Disraeli ' s because he believed in the Almighty .

    Mr . Muntz and Mr . GouLBtriiN haying added their protests against the measure , the House divided after eight hours' debate . For the second reading , 247 ; for Sir F . f hesiger ' s amendment , 251 ; majority against Government , 4 . The bill is therer fore lost . The Opposition began cheering vociferously the moment Sic F . Theaiger , as teller , advanced to the table , and after the announcement of the numbers the shouting was tremendous . ¦ -

    CHURCH-RATE ABOLITION . The House of Commons gave leave , on Tuesday , for the introduction of a bill to afoft ^ A church-rates . Sir William Clay , on moving for leave , set forth the prominent facts of the case , which ate no ; doubt Sufficiently familiar to our readers . Since he last brought the subject before the House : , the-circumstances have greatly altered . The decision' of the House of Lords in the Braintree case has been followed by the refusal of church-rates in 43 cases out of 58 , after a contest . Since the Census Report was published it has become clear that not one-half of the population of England attend the Established Church . Out of 10 , 212 , 563 sittings provided in

    places of public worship , 5 , 317 , 915 belong to the Established Church , and 4 , 894 , 648 to the Nonconformists . On the Census Sunday 5 , 603 , 815 attended the Established Church , and 5 , 292 , 251 the Nonconformist places of worship . Out of a population of nearly 18 , 000 , 000 only 10 , 896 , 066 attend any place of worship . This shows the injustice of these rates . If they were abolished tho Church would not suffer ; for within these fifty years there have been 2529 churches built , at a cost of 9 , 087 , 000 / ., of which the public funds only supplied 1 , 663 , 429 / ., and voluntary subscriptions 7 , 423 , 5712 . It was time this perennial spring of bitter waters—these church-rates—should be dried up .

    Mr . Pbto seconded the motion , disclaiming all hostility to the Church , but contending for the rights of the Dissenters to relief ia this matter . Mr . Wxgkam placed church-rates on the same footing as tithe . The obligation to pay both is equally clear . Besides the churches are national structures open to all , and ought to be sustained by all . Mr . Packs took similar views . On the other hand Mr . Gardnkb , Mr . Bio OS , and Captain Scobeli , supported Sir William Clay . Lord Stanlbt pertinently remarked that legislation was of no great importance ; for if Parliament leave church-rates alone , it will be found that in four or five years the question will settle itself . ( Cheers . ) The decision in the Braintree case had revived the

    suspended action of the parishes , and even the most conservative boroughs have refused to levy rates . It ia not and never was a pecuniary question , but one of principle j and if the pecuniary burden be alleviated it will only be made less productive , but not less objectionable . He believed the time had come for abandoning the church-rates . Tho country ha . 8 practically decided the question ; and it is the

    ?™ of * House to acquiesce in that dedbion . { Lrheers . ) Mr . Drdmmond made a characteristic speech < in SfcfiSh ! tbG bU 3 ' JtWaS a ^^ oa mmZ rob ™ l ? iSiSTfSv ^ i ™ of * * ™ ^ ve any i * . « S ? £ ££ h f l ! . Sove Jf ? e the country did establish , for the benefit of his subjects , a national religion . That national : religion was of necessity the religion of the Sovereign , fcwas his conscientious duty to do 8 o . and the conacieiitious duty of the subjects of that Sovereign is to assist the Sovereign m upholding all that is necessary for the religion instruction of his subjects . You say ; « Yes ; but we T »» v $ now that blessed thing called dissent . * WelL that is a luxury no doubt , but then people must p&y for tlieir luxuries ( Laughter ) You cannot keeb a pack of houndsW a box at the opera without paying for it ; why then sfaoiild you have the luxury of abusing the bishops 2 —why slould you liave the luxury of attacking church establishments

    , and not pay the miserable pittance « £ cnurch-rates for it ? { Laughter . ) But this not all . I say it is , with regard to church-rates , as it is with regard to tithes . There Ms been a great cry with regard to tithes . Therefbafl-beettavgnjat cry with regard to the abolition ofr tithes ^ but the result of such a measure would be that- everylahdowner would pufc 10 / . of property more into his pocket than he-was entitled to . Now , to that course I object . I say if yon abolish tithe , let the State take it . . I say tha same tjifnjf ^ thregard to church-rates . You bought your ¦ Bouses ^ silj&jectjo that rent-charge ; you have no nghtnw toput tjbVfc rnoney into your own / pocket . Let th e Church lose possession tomorrow ; the money then 1 ^ o ;^' ' t 0 ^ % Stii »^ V > Y ^' JiaTS no right to it . if your conscience will not allow job to pay it to the State , then you will give us reason to suapeicituat this is not a question of conscience , btata duestion of money after all" ( jCkeert . ) " ^ ' % *•; ' ' : 'V '

    Lord John Eusseli . in a doleful tone described how all previous attempts to eometp a cpnipromise had failed ; and how there is hdw * aB ' -iUtii | f ^ uiposiHtirk to compromise theFq u ^^ not produce harmony ; it ^ onj ^ ¦' $$ & ' - . pffki ; ; £ eJ $ e& of attacks ; atkd if peace is to oe alwaye : purchased with concession , he could oqi ^^ yj ^^' SB ^ m ^ f ^^^ gf ) I « ord , John took , the same line # f argumeiirtias [ MT . Wigranv and said he did » Qfciilhink ||^ lil 4 r ? J » consistent with an . Established Church . ^ o / abolish church-rates , without providing ; an efficient WHqwtee . He should oppose the bill ;^ but that bight he inight not succeed , and he should opnose ^ it on thi ^ ecotid

    reading . He doubted much Aether Parliament ¦ would agree to a bill framed on saqh ; bases . . " Whether or not that opposition maybesncceaafulto-,. night , I feel secure-that a bill of tHs ^ % ma \ cannot pass : Pju :-Tiament ia the present session * I tHnk * surrounded as ifr is . with difficulties , that the question still requires consideration ^ I haveno doubt that ameasure ^ may ^ be munea , and : indeed it has been . repeatedly under the ; tonsider ^ tion , of ; Gove rnment already , which would meet the justice " off tt > e C £ S . e , and which ,, if it were passed , would tend greatly to diminish at all events the popular complaints made agabsichufch-rat ^ s Bnt that sneb a measure would pass throneh-Parliahtent I own

    1 have verv . great doubts . 1 am assured no measure can be framed whicli would -not meet the opposition of the Church ujpon the one' hand , or of Dissenters upon the other , fam ' afraid that it will be not only difficult ; but almost inl ^ os&ible , to frame a measure which , founded upon principles or Justfco and impartiality , would meet with general consent . I know the pains' that are taken by those , Mao agitato , the country , "" whether they belong to the Church , or whether they belong to the Dissenting bodies , to reject andL defeat meaSuris of compromise which are equally just to both partiei . I have found , with regard to measures that were , 1 thought , most beneficial to the Church , a most hearty opposition , made by the Church to them these al been umiv / iiuoiti

    , ana measures nave -w-avs > uo v ^ u w , nuu iiuuoo uioMDWieo unwv mwayo wvu defeated by that opposition . I have found , upon the other hand , that measures I thought beneficial to Dissenters , bnt which , in their opinion , gave rather too much to . tho Church , have been met by a vehement opposition oh their part In fact , we lire in times when on the one hand bucIi differences , differences in point of Church government not-very considerable in themselves , are upon the other hand questions of the greatest importance in regard to religious bebief . I say , when questions of this kind arise , of one character or the

    other , they divide the country , produce the most violent excitement , and the exhibition of the greatest amount of party _ paeaion and division . Such being the case I am not sanguine as to the success of any measure which the Government may frame , and which they may bone to introduce in another session ; but this I should say , if I gave my willing consent to a bill for totally abolishing church-rates without any sort of compensation , without any sort of modification , that I was giving an example of concession very dangerous to the Church Establishment—and when I say Church Establishment , I mean dangerous to the general peace and welfare of the country . "

    • The House then divided . The numbers werefor the motion , 129 ; against it , 62 ; majority for the motion , 67 . The motion was consequently carried amidst much cheering . At a subsequent period Sir W . Clay brought ia the bill , and it was read the first time . Common Law Reform . —The House having gone into committee on tho Second Common Law Procedure ( 1864 ) Bill , npon its recommitment . Lord Sx . Leonards ) discussed the entire provisions of the measure , objecting , among other points ^ to unanimity in juries being departed from , to the unlimited power whi « h the bill gave to judges to order arbitrations , and to tho power vested in judges to dispense with the oaths of witnesses . He contended that the measure would lead to great embarrassment , by the fusion which it attempted to effect between law and equity .

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    Mat 27 , 1854 . TH E LEAI > &R . 4 6

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), May 27, 1854, page 485, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2040/page/5/