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franchise . Let half the number of our labouring classes go , all the beggarly occupations , handloom-weavers , wool-combers , &c , the sempstresses , waistcoat-makers following , and the remaining half would hare more than double wages , more than twice the good 9 , almost a power in the state , a real share in the English republic . The one thing excepted from the American scheme and wanted by the English emigrant is the purchasing money for the tickets . How is that to be procured ? Ordinary associations to secure advances for bodies of men
have hitherto been a total failure . The latest - ^ -tne JN " e \ v South Wales advances for emigrants , is a failure ; the advances cannot be recovered from the emigrants . Emigrant benefit societies to send numbers out by lot have failed because the amount subscribed was too small and the process too slow . Mrs , Glvisholm ' s plan of groups would be a plan on too ^ small a scale for the work to be done , and middle class or upper class aid would be wanting to help it on . That aidof course
, , would not be given . The ; plan , however ^ may , be imitated by a method which would provide the point wanting iii tbe New South Wales plan— --a direct pledge of personal honour -for the return of the * money . Iiet working men form themselves Into groups of ten , borrow the money for the cost of : emigration for one of their party ; let them diraw ; lots for the first emigration ticket , purchased by the ten ,: and let the tentht man go out ledd to
pge redeem the loan with an advance tor -the second man let the second man send back the advance for himself and enough for another ; the third the same . By the time five had gone there Would be lmoney enough for four more those who pleased might then go , those who stayed anight divide the balance amount ; for if this plan were carried out on a sufficient scale , we doubt whether more than five out of ten would go ; the rest would find inducement enough to stay .
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SUGGESTIONS F < m THE LICENSED VICTUALLERS . "WHrshould the Licensed Victuallers have the edueationof adult England in their bands ? The fact is so because , in consequence of the penny stamp tax imposed upon a free press by the enlightened legislature of a liberal country , only 70 , 000 copies of our daily press are daily
published , and 40 , 000 of those copies are taken , by the public-houses . Clearly the Incensed Victuallers , though a highly-respectable and intelligent body of good citizens ; ought not to have the education of adult Eugland in their hands ; the people ought not to be driven to the public-houses in order to , get news and instruction . But the fact is so , likely to remain so , for some time ; and wo must make the best of the- fact .
. Thelncensed Victuallers of London manage very cleverly . They find themselves compelled to provide a paper for their taprooms and btir-narlours ; and they have established a paner of their own , which they of course take in preference to every other paper , which ia consequently circulated and supported into " . a paying concern . " The profits of tho paper
aro large : and they are applied to the maintenance of various " dhnritahlo institutions " for the decayed and tho offspring of the licensed victuallers' body—who thus are benevolent at a remarkably small expense- — - namely , none at all . The Morning Advertiser thus obtains nn enormous advantage iu its competition with its contemporaries : and t
nougu it is true that tho public has n choice , need not go to the public-house at all , or , boiqg there , may ft 8 k and insist on having another paper , yofc , practically , so far aa the constituency of several hundred metropolitan public-housea are concerned , the Mornina
Advertiser has a monopoly of attention and becomes a great influence , " Now , prima facie , nobody has any right to find fault with that arrangement . "We do not know a daily paper of which we could conscientiously say "It is less misertt ' evous than the JHorning Advertiser . " Indeed , "we may think the Morning Advertiser an eccentric , but we regard it as an innocuous publication : we have faith in the British public , and doubt the capacity of leading journals to mislead it . " We have no preferences ; and , if we had , we would have no
right to present them . We consider Alsopp's beer purer than Bass ' s , and . we abhor various entires , and earnestly condemn a variety of Kinahans and Cordial gins . But if a publichouse selects a certain brewer , or a particular distiller , that is the business of tie individual victualler and of the customers who deal with him . ^ Nev er theless , "we venture to offer some suggestions to the Incensed Victuallers , with reference to their paper , at a , moment when they are canvassing the conduct of that " orgatn , " and rather thinking of establishing a new one-- ^ -certjiinly of revolutiomsirig the management of the present one .
There is this difference betweeji beer and a new spap er ; beer has a fl ayo ur , and a neVsv paper has art opinion ; but the bottle only speaks ^ for the brewer— -the newspaper presumes to speak ibr a party ^ The ground upon which we may offer an excuse for critising the Morning Advertiser , is that being by the controlling influeiice of the iiieensed Victuallers the only " liiberal" daily paper with a large circulation , the Morning Advertiser burlesques Liberalism , and * affecting to
speak for the people , misrepresents the people and the popular aims . We don't think the misrepresentation does any harm ; but we object to it ,- ^ if only because it is absurd . We entreat the Licensed Victuallers ^ then , in their new arrangements to make some alterations in their journalistic plans . If they were wise they would have a paper fulfillitig
Mr . Thomas Qarlyle ' s aspiration- —a journal with the maximum of news , and the minimum of editorial comment ; that sort of paper would best suit the class who go to publichouses , and would certainly allow of more profits for the " charitable" institutionsfor an , array of editorial talent such as that engaged , as everyone knows , on the Morning Advertiser , must cost a vast sum of money .
The- objection we take is not that the licensed victuallers publish a paper of their owil , but that they insist on that paper promulgating itself as a " Liberal organ , "—attempting a mischief to Liberalism . If we miist have a victualler's paper maintaining " popular rights , " denouncing the ( Times every day , because tho Times is not Liberal , we are entitled to demand some logical faculty in the journal which , though it may not lead us people , assures all the world that wo are followi
ng xt . We , as a portion ot tho people thus represented before enlightened Europe and i ; he London Licensed Victuallers , decVmo to have it supposed that wo consider tlio principal democratic business of the day ia to abuse tho Pope , and demonstrate that every Roman Catholic prelate and priest ia a scoundrel , and that every Roimm Catholic layman ia an idiot . The Pope may be wrong , and Roman Catholics way be in error—we
rath or think they are . —but we think that they are as likely to be right in theology aa an array of editorial talent selected by tho Licensed Victuallers' Protection Committee ; and , at any rate , we want to lenow why our democratic leading journal should so exclusively devote itsolt to tho promulgation of the philosophy of Exeter-hall P The Reformed Religion seems in Scotland and England to lead to the domooratic consumption of alcohol in extensive auantitioa . and tho
array of editorial talent on the Morning Advertiser niay have Licensed Victuallers' interests in view in their fiery denunciations of Puseyism , which , is $ he religious reaction , of fc £ ul « -ihinciea persons who despair of an " Establishment" incapable of competing for popular attention with the public-houses and beer-shops on the Sabbath . But are the Licensed Victuallers entitled , under colour of Liberalism , to sustain the " shop" in this manner ? In the next place we
may object , with analagous fairness , to the alacrity so frequently displayed hy the great democratic organ to insult the Court , whenever the array of editorial talent finds out that the Court is interfering , in the government of us people , with the aristocracy . AVe don't understand the great democratic organ's love of the aristocracy . We noticed that this week the array of editorial talent acknowledged , in a painfully obseguious paragraph , unworthy of enthusiastic members of tlie reformed , religion , the " honour" done to the Morning Advertiser
by a Duke who , calculating that the Times wouldn't find rooin for him , resolved ; on mentioning in the ' Morning Advertiser ' that he was going to give . 15 ? . to somebody . Lords never go near licensed victuallers ; at least not to the respectable ones : and why should the licensed victuallers allovr their paper to be impregnated vith the odour of jreanies ? Why should the great democratic organ ' so palpably compete with the great aristocratic organ in the supply of" fashionable •' intelligence . '? " "/; The other day , when Mr . James Wilson and Lord Palmers ton differed about
a commercial point , the Morning Advertiser denounced the commoner for his impertK nence in having an opinion , with a dignity and a ferocity singular in Christians and odd in democrats ; and . we mention , the Instance as aptly illustrating the whole tone of the journal : Day after day the Morning Advertiser encourage ^ tlie communications ! of Mr . David Urquhart , / whose political philosophy may be summed up in the sentence " Every peer who is a Cabinet Minister is a traitor ; " and we are at a loss to reconcile that doctrine with an exclusive faith in the
peerage as our rulers ;— not to mention the other faithr- ^ -in the reformed religion ensuring tlie blessings of honest government to any and every people . And if the aristocracy are all traitors , why denounce the Court , when the Court occasionally modifies the aristocracy ?—as , for example , when the Queen dismissed an English Poreign Secretary tor having written an exhilirating despatch practically
congratulating a military despot on having accomplished a coup d ' etat . For our own part , as humble democrats , watching with weekly awe the daily lead of an array of editorial talent , wo have always taken for granted that an unrepresented people has only one chance of conquering an , oligarchy—vw ., by acquiring the sympathy and tho aid of a monarchy which our aristocracy has systematically attempted to reduce to a formality .
Therefore , aa Liberalism ia in the hands of the licensed victuallers , niay we beg of them in their new journal , or in their altered old journal , to condition for a little logic in the array of editorial talent P It would cost a very littlo more money ; foufc « s it would cost ( something , perhaps Mr . Onrlylo should 1 ) 0 consulted as to tho beat sorfc of paper to bring out .
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" ACCIDENT" A PERMANENT CONDITION . A itiswAWKABLH ooccntritiity is observable in tho oulightonod journalism of the lust fortnight . In that period 1500 people have been lulled by cholera , and three people have boon killed by railway accidents . Tho en-
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September 2 , 1854 . ] Hfi ^ £ E A D E R . 825
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 2, 1854, page 825, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2054/page/9/
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