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present # ^ ij ^ bi # td ) gH ^^ tfcefdidaon of ; . i * i | i ^ :-: ^ i& : defeaMv Ii « P ^ wtfveB tHafrbtir marfdaaity was but a spasm . J ' oSJ'fifty yearo Russia , whosd poKcy was palfiablS' m the CatherinesV days , had been eafcttawd by ow statesmen and * -our sovereigns ^ aw * but a few years ago the . Lord John Russell ¦ 'Whi > , always idert for popuiatity r last s ^ &io » diis < x > vered that the existence of Sebastovo ^ Wtta ^ iniwnfiietieat with , the safety of the Turkish empire , which is the keystone in the Ett * oi 3 « Wi' balance of power , had written to a
Russian Minister to the effect that the Uzardom ^ waft-GfenBer ^ atism— -a sentiment worthy t * f < W © aly fcisTbric " Reformer . " Poland Was fiefer mouufled outside that theoretic school of amiabilities and poet ics , the Dudley Stuarts and Tom Campbells , whom our statesmen have-ew treated With traditional derision--for they were the statesmen of a practical sfcatte ; - Rom 1815 to 1848 we saw the steady growth of Russia , of her influence ihv - Germany , and ! of her territory and prestige in the Eaatj without jealousy and without apprehension , la 1848 we saw Russia crush Htin > garY'and pass that riveis the passage of which
in i # 53 > has caused warv with no more than a sentimental' murmur . We are declaiming now - —* bt * we *© declaiming a week or two ago- ~ - agaittst the despotismwhich the Czar would seefc to establish in hideous uniformity over Eutttfpev But in 1850 we saw absolute inilita ^ ry deapbtism established by reaction in all -tfeiff capitate of the Continent , and our par evdvllejicd "liberal" Foreign Secretary , was the valet to bow in the hero of the Pa rieian coup cF&at , and to effect that Schles ^ wig-BOolstein treaty , ^ lfch ^ -gasaT guarantee to Czardomin the Baltic . " We had accustomedourselves' to the idea of Russian
encroachment aad liberty ' s decay 5 and : it was not to be expected ; as-Lord Aberdeen doubtless surmised ^ that suddenl y in 18 ( S& w should revolutionise our political views ,- and in ft'byrtHe-by declaration of eternal brotherhood with the oppressed , resolve on a war of principles . Some of us did talk of a war of principles , and hope for a revolutionary war ; bat Mir . Bright prides himsel f we understand , on his thorough comprehension of his counttymen . — -Towfaom—are we to look—for the -I' -dibect p olicy" of Which the Government collectively is destitute P Lord Aberdeen is in favour of
the status quo ante helium with all possible rapidity—for appearance sake consenting to say something about clearing the mouths of the Danube—a dredger ' s treaty . Lord-Pal * merstbn * equally confiding in him who " ex * haustted every resource of falsehood , " trusts the future of humanity to a personal assent to four-points which could not give one wound , and ) to effect his object he , liberal man , acconvplishes-an alliance with Austria , suggesting to . Louis' Napoleon to back it by guaranteeing Austrian domination in Italy . Lord John Rusi
sell w « s > in favour of destroying Sebastopbl ; that was his direct policy a few months ago wheft credulous as the . Romans , who were to frontier tbeir empire with a wall , he considered civilisation would be safe by converting Sebastopol into a ruin ; - —but that was a . few montba ago , and Lord John Russell would nod now spoil a wished-for peace for the sake of an oratorical point about Marius and Mensdhikoff— -perhaps because he has discovered
that the present Carthage does not consist of one city . These are our three statesmen : who conHtolr in what direction they are leading the Stated v J JIw thwe a direct policy in the opposition ? T 4 ft ^ £ y * - ** wentmlly a cMffbnniar statesman —• niches his jpolioy as . he . goes : he opposed the ; Foreign Jjegion Bill ,- because ha turn Lord' Bllwobbrough ' s objections to it "'told ; " » nd > in . the same way , , his notions
tomorrow kbout the war would depend on what he hears at dinner to-day ,. Mr . Disraeh ^ is only a critic ,, and not an Engteh cratic : he cannot strike out a path for himself because , having nb sympathy wrth his foUoweM , he is doul ) # ul whither they want to go ^ have had debates enough about the war ; but tojiy Tory gentleman done more than show that the Government had got into a scrape ? Lord Derbv is the Opposition , and Lord Derby , m lrom
his most reckless mood , would , shnnk ^ prodalming the expediency in which Liberals Relieve—that Russia should be really weakened and driven back . The Tory gentlemen of England have always believed m the Emperor Nicholas , and still sympathise with him : and if they at present have an opinion , it is that peace be restored ^ and that the Government should be turned out—above all , that the Government should be turned out .
What is the direct policy of the Liberals " We do not mean those Liberals who , like Mr . Bright , are against all war because England is a commercial island , and who _ content to wait the day when , ships being , as we have found , useless in war , a great armv may be landed in a country whfch cannot produce 100 , 000 soldiers . We do not mean Liberals like the late Lord Dudley Stuart , like Sir Joshua Waimsley , like Mr .
Crawshay , like Mr . Ironside , who talk of " God ' s justice" to old noblemen complacent on a Treasury bench , and who are so utterly behind , or before , their day , that they would have political propagandism adopted by a country indifferent to Reform Bills ^ governed by a landed aristocracy through the-agency of a practical moneyocracy . But we mean Liberals like Mr . Layard , who appeal to Lbrd John Rueseltto behave V'like a , chief of the
Liberal party , " and who are in earnest m -this war . Mr . Layard , last session , proposed all the _ four points ^ and a fiffih point , that the Crimea should be restored to Turkey—this fifth point necessarily including Lord John ' s idea about Sebastonol . Mr . Layard is , however , an isolated individual j many individuals , in . the House , and of his clique , may agree . with him , but their opinion is not organised , and they have the idea merely—* t is ^ not , a—purpose -in ~ politics . ^—And . ~ -Mr .,
Layard interjects the idea about the Crimea , as he , or Kossuth , interjects the idea about Poland : no p lan is proposed ; no statesmanship is organised to carry out the plan . The most concrete exposition of such Liberals ' views is in the "Anglo-Polish Association ;" an association as little likely as the Harleian Society to affect politics ; lor such Liberals leave out of account the trifling difficulty that
the Grown and aristocracy are very resolutely resolved not to undertake a revolutionary war ;—Crown and aristocracy being still , such Liberals may be assured , of considerable potency in this liberty-adoring nation . Such Liberals are , in short , to this extent illogical , that they are clamouring for a revolutionary war , and are not precise as to what Europe is to revolve tok
To conclude : a war in which no party has a purpose cannot result in any oonspiouously honourable peace . And we fear , unless- there should soon present themselves some better hopes of liberal organisation against an aristocracy incapable and unworthy than can now be entertained , we must wait for better times for that positive forei gn policy which befits a country so genuine and so great at heart as the land of Cbomwbll .
THE LAST CRIMEAN APPOINTMENT . " HaAD , " exolnimB the Times , is the thing wanted in tlie East ; some man to look after everything , but particularly transports and
hospitals . " Head * head , head , " was the cry ; and Government answers to it by presenting Jones . It is reportedithat General Jones-is to be superintendent of toansports and- hos pitajs ; and his ^ appointment iw fieraldtsd miih a puff . * We do not understand : exactly where the Qeneral is : to be stationed : ; l ^ ut Hie /> dea is , we believe , that he will be at ^ Balaklaya . Nor are we quite clear what he will superintend . A general officer is not exactfy the natural head of a hospital ; and-we very much doubt whether the transports are really to be entrusted to his charge .
If we do not know where he is to be stationed , nor what he f t to do , we do know something as to what he is . General Jones , the armed head conjured up by the Macbeth of the Times , was once Colonel Jones ; and while he held that rank he was Commissioner in the Bbard of Works at Dublin . He was a very strict man , the Colbnel ; particularly in the control ot tne cierKS in nis
personal office . Great was the Wrath-if a window happened to be ojpened , which the Colonel had desired to , be shut j and the terrors of wrath visited thfr subordinates in language of more energy than nicety . There was a kind of terror of the Colonel , although he was supposed to be a good fellow at heart , and it was not difficult to get- the blind side 1 of him . t that
One acute person did geon profitable side . Jt was the Accountant ; a pleasant boon companion , so convivial , so generous in sentiments , that Jones , ^ he new "head , " trusted him Unboundedly , trusted him even to the extent , we are told , of blank cheques . Subse ^ uentlyi : the Accountant embezzled , and was transported . He had , however , not committed- the- oflbhce of opening ^ n
unopenable window . Now , is it possible that this can really be the head intended _ by 'Government E Will General Jones take his departure or not , or rather , will he undertake his duties ? Many of the appointments in the East have been anything but righk The appointments , particularly to the non-fighting duties of the but if
army , have been very questionable ; poor Lord de Roos had to be recalled , we do not know on what principle General Jones can be deputed . Those who attack Lord Raglan ^ should Jook . below ^; . Jt _ i 9 ^ wJbhe _ se-.. condary appointments that the mischief will be found ; the chief appoinment is nothing more nor less than the system incarnate , and the system must be destroyed .
UNDERNEATH THE CHRISTMAS TABLE . Tiro law records of the day relate a story which is equal to anything in the Decamaron of Boccaccio , and excels the raciest pages of Le Sage ; A gay and fascinating lady marries a gentleman of some property , who furnishes a house for her . 'A person is engaged ; to superintend the fitting up of the house ; he fosoinates the fascinator , and upon him she confers the greatest obligations that an indiscreet lady can confer upon an ambitious man . One day an affectionate note from the lady to this gentleman calls him to her presence , and she reveals to him her pressing necessity for a sum of money .. At first , her wish meets no
compliance , though i < r ia not that the gentle ., man has no command of money , for at last what affection and tears foiled to draw from him is obtained by the per-oentage of 4002 . upon the advance of 1000 / . for six months , the loan being guaranteed by the deposit of jewels belonging to the lady , and of » bill signed by the lady ' s husband . Time creeps on ; . " bilL attains maturity ; the lOanlis not paid ; and then it is discovered that the husband ' s signature to the bill waB fongfid ^ and tiinft thai jewels are paste 1 Everybody is astounded' ; shocked at the
, V ' ¦ .. "'¦ ¦ * fHI JbEAPBB- [ Saotmxmt ,
Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 6, 1855, page 14, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2072/page/14/