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harmony -with tnem in the Cabinet , and that he should give them his support . Mr Drummqnd made a strong and eccentric speech , but declared he only wished the inquiry to be directed to the civil departments of the . army . Lord SETMOUB strongly urged the inconvenience of an inquiry at presents though he had consented to be a member of the Committee . . ¦ . Mr Lowe , in an able speech , very urgently argued aeainst the appointment of the committee , pointing out the great inconvenience which it would cause to the War Office , which was now in course of reorganisation ; but contrary to expectation he did not enter on the question of the Ministerial crisis . The debate then ranged through a number of the lesser members . Sir John Pakington and Mr . Walfole next spoke in favour of the mption .
Mr . Gladstone commenced the explanation offered on his own behalf by alluding to the proffers made to him by Lord Derby in the early stages of the Ministerial crisis , and read some passages from the correspondence that passed on that occasion . It had been a subject of regret to him that a government had not then been formed by the noble earl from among his own parliamentary supporters . "When subsequently he was asked by Lord Palmerston to join his administration , he felt that he had no just cause to refuse , although suffering much pain by his severance from Lord Aberdeen . After expressing his conscientious admiration for his late chief , Mr . Gladstone stated that his reason for quitting office arose from the fact that the Government which he
had decided upon adopting an alternation , considered fatal . The stigma of desertion could not apply to men who retained their opinions , even if for that cause they quitted office . Ou the 29 th of January he had denounced the proposition for a committee with all the vehemence he could command , and could now only repeat his words and adhere to his convictions . He added some arguments against the appointment of the committee . To inquiry , he had no objection , but drew the distinction that while every department of the Government might be called to account , the investigation upon a multitude of considerations ought not to include the conduct of the war in the Crimea . The strong objections urged—against the committee ' during the debate had never been fairly- grappled with , but were merely met by
an array of precedents or vague demands for inquiry . No one had shown that the committee was a fit engine for prosecuting such an investigation , or said anything to shake his persuasion that it would turn out either an imposture or a mischief , if not both at once . Even in the speeches of members who ostensibly supported the committee , he found expressions which effectually condemned it , and declared his belief that if the House could decide the question by a ballot the motion for its appointment would be negatived by a large majority . Towards the commanders engaged upon the ordinary duties , of the war hue considered that the advisers of the Crown , who had employed and did not recal them , would act with injustice , if they allowed them to be handed ovef" to "tne " teiflel ^" M « rcieir ~ 6 f ~' a ' select'' ~ co ' mniittec . - That committee would be a tribunal for accusation , at which the character of honourable men were to
be assailed in their absence ; but it would be useful neither for the infliction of punishment nor the application of remedies . By insisting on its appointment , the House would practically wrest the powers of Government from the hands of the Executive , and delegate them to a section of its own members . To the argument that an unprecedented emergency justified an extraordinary intervention , he replied by contending that the instrument now suggested must prove , not only mischievous , but altogether weak and futile . Lord Paimbrston acknowledged the conscientious motives which had urged his late colleagues into retirement , and expressed his sorrow at losing their services and co-operation . Briefly adverting to the
ministerial vicissitudes of the last three weeks , the noble lord observed that ho had undertaken to form a Government after the failure of all other combinations . Proceeding to the question of the committee , he confessed that he still entertained many objections to its appointment , but remarked that the country had adopted the propositions in a different sense from that it had borne within the house , and wished for a serious investigation from a measure which many honourable members had supported as conveying a vote of censure . When assuming the responsibility of office , Lord Palmerston declared that he had never intended to abandon the post merely upon the contingency of the vote for a
committee being persisted in , and such he intimated was his persuasion respecting the determination of his coliMtguefci Answering the challenge of Mr . Bright , ho stated that the Government still adhered to the terms proposed , as basis for the negotiations at Vienna , and were prosecuting the conferences in perfect good faith . They would lo « o no opportunity of hastening the advent of 1 peace , but would never consent to any terms which did not afford a full security of reform and independence to Europe . .. Tho question now boforo Parliament involved the honour of the country , and he trusted that neither p * rty divisions nor personal jealousies would prevent the Legislature-and the Government from dealing with them in an effectual manner . The House , he hoped ,
would not withdraw its confidence from an Administration who had assumed office in a time of emergency until the measures they proposed had been fairly tested . Mr . Disraeli observed that the Prime Minister claimed support for a Ministry which did not appear to be in existence . The House was still unacquainted even with the names of the holders of many important offices of State . The Cabinet had been formed solely upon the basis of opposing ' the appointment of the committee , and yet within ten days it split upon that veryquestion ; and Lord Palmerston himself had abjured his principles , and accepted a measure which he had so recently termed unconstitutional . As to the committee itself , he believed that the House and the country had resolved to prosecute an inquiry , and proceeded to comment upon some of the arguments against it which had been presented in the course of the discussion , Mr . Gladstone having given some explanation ,
Sir G . Grey denied that the Cabinet had been formed on the basis of resistance to the Commitee of Inquiry . Their great principle was the vigorous prosecution of the war , and to this all other considerations were subordinated . He had opposed the appointment of the committee from a persuasion of its many inconveniences ; but , nevertheless felt that , seeing the House persisted in its resolution , those grounds were no * sufficient to justify the Government in abandoning its course . The motion for precedence was then agreed to , and a discussion arose as to proceeding with the nomination . The names were put seriatim , and divisions took place on the two last , but they were all retained . The House then adjourned .
HOUSE OF LORDS . Their lordships sat for a short time only , being employed principally in a discussion originated by Lord Lynjdhurst , with regard to the necessity of preparing summer clothing for the troops in the Crimea .
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THE WAR . It is clear , by the last detailed accounts from the Crimea , that the Russians have established themselves in menacing proximity to Balaklava . General Iiiprandi , as the telegraph reported , returned , to his ol * lines north and east of Eamara , somewhere about the 7 th February . In two nights , during which the allied-force covering Balaklava were under arms , Liprandi threw up entrenchments , and so disposed at least one battery of two guns , as tolsear , it is thought , with inconvenient force upon our right . The reader will note that the British base of operations is protected by a chain of
breastworks , with strong batteries at commanding points , so as to sweep the only places accessible to an assailing force . But on the extreme right , where it has always been said we had batteries manned by Marines , we are now told there are no guns ; and speculators'Tonthe spot were actually canvassing the probabilities of the success of a night attack by the Russians . At this distance nothing can be predicted with certainty ; but one thing is certain , the Allies at Balaklava will have to keep a very bright look-out , now that from 20 , 000 to 3 Q , 000 men occupy an entrenched camp within a mile or two of their lines .
It does not appear to be true that the British infantry have been moved down to Balaklava—certainly up to the 9 th of February no such movement had been made . Although the accounts of the health of the troops are as gloomy as ever , yet amid all the disasters of tho military affairs , there is one bright spot . The railway , that effort of civil genius , was progressing with astonishing rapidity , and is probably now stretching upward towards the plateau where lie the allied armies .
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( By Continental Telegraph . " ) Paris , Friday . The Moniteur of this day contains the official ^ announcement that the Emperor has given audience to Lord John . Russell . Tho Funds closed rather firmer in consequence of the report that the Emperor has given up tho plan of going to the Crimea .
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l'O CORRESPONDENTS . During the Session of Parliament it is often impossible to find room for correspondence , even the briefest . ¦ . m . . No notice can be taken of anonymous communications Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated by the name and address of the writer ; not necessarily Sot publication , but as a guarantee of his good faith . Communications should always be legibly written ; and on . one side of the paper only . If long , it increases the diflocttlty of finding space for them . „ We cannot undertake to returnrejected communications *'
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THE POSITION AND THE PROSPECT . In the present " crisis" we see reason for healthy political hope . There is an absolute Whig Government in power : the policy may be the personal policy of a potent individual , Lord Paxmerstox ; but the Government is a Whig Government . ^ Just as the Aldington Government was still the Pitt Government , so the Pai , merston Government is clearly the Bedford Government . ¦ ' . ; . ¦
There is an absolute Tory party m opposition ; numerous , compact , organised , ambitious , ¦ well-officered .- . _ -. _ -. Here , then , there is constitutional symmetry restored ; the Court passive between the two great historical parties ; coalition actually at an end , and the idea of coalition distasteful to the people . Bu £ there are two other parties in the House of Commons—the Peelites and the Radicals .
Between these two there is but this difference : the Radicals have been the representatives of public opinion and the originators of all the reforms of the last ten years ; while the Peelites have been the statesmen who have realised public opinion and carried out those reforms . And as it now happens that the statesmen find themselves isolated from the two great governing parties and among the ranks , on the benches , of the popular representatives , the probability seems to be that these statesmen will , naturally , become the leaders of the popular party . Thus ,
we see reason to hope that a third organised party will appear in the constitutional arena , and we assuredly believe that , by tact and with patience , this party can destroy the two other parties , drive them , as one party , into opposition , and itself take power . The prospect , in short , is , that some day soon the tjountry may be " sent for . " Not the worst way , perhaps , of getting out of the dead-lock created by the complete failure of the governing class in
attempting good government . The Peelites do not belong to the aristocracy . ; ' they cannot stand alone ; they do belong to tho people . Tho policy of ^ Sir Robert Peel was thoroughly democraticthat is to sny , thoroughly national—and Ins followers—those who were in his Cabinet , ana have been in coalition with the Whigs—fully comprehending the spirit of the country , and the character of the time , have never ceased to pursue that policy—witness their Succession Duty Bill , their Canada Clergy Reserves BilL with their whole colonial policy , their Irish
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j ? E bbtjam : 24 , 1855 . ] THE 1 EADEB . 181
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Mr . Pbto . —Mr . Peto is gazetted a Baronet in appreciation of his services , and more especially of his recent disinterested and patriotic conduct in retiring'from tho representation of Norwich to carry , out tho cpnstruction of the railway from Balaklava , originated by tho Duke of Newcastle . ¦ Tub Cheapest Vice—is ingratitude . A translation of this axiom from the Austrian into the Russian language has already been set about .
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TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION TO " 4 E $ e ' 3 leaftet . " Por a Half-Year ... £ 0 13 0 To be remitted in advance . igT Money Orders should be drawn upon the Stbakd Branch Office , and be made payable to Mr . Aibbed E . Gailoway , at No . 7 , Wellington Street , Strand .
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\ ' X y / W SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 24 , 1855 .
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There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural ana conwdsive , aa tne strain to keep things fixed when all the world 13 by the very law o < its creation in eternal progress . —Da . Absold .
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 24, 1855, page 181, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2079/page/13/
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