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thought it was not . He had been told by a nautical man that the Russians might obtain from America four first class line-of-battle steam ships ( the number which she would be allowed to retain ) , carrying 130 guns each , and fitted with screws , four frigates of 70 or 80 heavy guns , and also fitted with screws , and a proportionate force of smaller screw-vessels , which would c onstitute a far more formidable Black Sea navy than Russia has ever possessed . Sir William Molesworth had said that if Russia were admitted to the Mediterranean , we should have to keep up an enormous and expensive peace establishment to watch Russia ; but at the same time he talked of a
six years' war . Now , how long would the interest of the money you would have to pay for that six years ' war keep up your fleet to the establishment necessary for watching Russia ? As to our having no security for Russia abiding by her engagements , we have the security of her interest . "We who talk of the shamelessness and vile character of Russia have made ourselves a party to a treaty by which we are bound to league ourselves with France , Austria , Prussia , Turkey , and Russia , in taking the government of Wallachia and Moldavia into o . ur own hands , and setting aside the will of the people in their own affairs .
" The name of John Russell stands at the foot of thes protocols as a party in preventing the inhabitants of those countries from meddling with their own local matters , if in the opinion of the powers it should be considered dangerous to the tranquillity of their own country . Mark , how changed is the child and champion of revolution when he breathes the air of Vienna ! " ( Loud cheers . ) We were told that this war was to raise oppressed nationalities ; but , in his opinion , it would only have the effect of depressing them further . Again , Lord John Russell talked of Russia establishing large fortifications on the German frontier and in the Baltic , and of Russian intrigues with the German courts . Well , which of the Four Points rectifies those evils ? There is no guarantee against the rebuilding of Bomarsund—no protection for the Circassians . The Government ,
moreover , had entirely misapprehended the bias of public opinion in Germany , which is not at all in favour of the Allies , but in favour of Russia . The traditions of Prussia and other German states incline the people to dread France and to look to Russia as their protector ; for France at the time of the first Revolution had caused the poorer classes to undergo dreadful sufferings , while Russia had helped them to escape from the rule of Napoleon . If the English people had the conscription , as in Prussia , they would be a little more chary how they called out for war . After the treaties which had confined Russia to her own territories , why not have contented ourselves with sending bur fleet to the Black Sea , and refusing to enter upon laud operations until the great Powers of Germany were willing and ready to join us , instead of taking upon ourselves to fight the brittle of civilisation for the whole world ? What
are we now fighting for ? To reduce , it is said , the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea . But that preponderance results from her commerce and her vast shipments of produce there , and , so long as these continued , all the powers upon earth cannot take it away . The provinces on the shores of the Black yea are rich and prosperous , and are increasing in commercial importance with a rapidity quite unparalleled . Is Russia . with such provinces , to be asked to cut herself down to the level of decrepid Turkey ? It is whispered that we are fighting more at the wish of France than at our own ; but are we sure that we are not going against the wish of the French people ?
" What were the wishes of the French Government ? Ho was now entering on delicate ground ; but he was about to allude to a subject which he told the noble lord ( Palmerston ) that he should treat of publicly , believing us ho did that it was his duty to speak out on a question which involved great events and might be fraught with calamities to the country . He came to this point—was it the wish of the French Government to go on with the war ? or was it the wish of our Government ? Mr . Bright and himself had had it communicated to them on good authority that the French Government had stated to ours that they were willing to accept of either of the terms published in the last protocols . Ho was not talking of the proceedings of a secret conclave . They all kivsw of what was called a meeting of the supporters of
tha noble lord in Downing-atreot . On that occasion , whon the noble lord said that they wore about to enter on a coiidential conversation , and that no representatives of the papers were present , his honourable friend asked if it was true that an intimation liud been made by the French Government to ours that they were willing to accept terms different from those offered by M . Prouyn do Llmys , and that thoro had boon a refusal to accede to thbm on the part of our Government . The noble lord refused to answer the question , although ho was much preened . Ho ( Mr . Cobdon ) pressed him to give an answer , and he told the noble lord distinctly that if ho would give an answer , and say no , that ho could treat all that took placo there as confidential , but that if the noble lord allowed him to go out of the room without an
answer , looking to the sources of the information he had received , he would not make any secret of what passed on that occasion . This state of things is very serious . " Mr . Cobden then questioned the worth of our late successes in the Sea of Azof , contending that the Russians derive their supplies mainly through the Isthmus of Perekop . He also feared that the heats of July , August , and half of September , would be fatal to the Allied armies ; and summed up his charees against the Government by saying that the war has been recommenced upon a point of difference almost infinitely minute ; that the invasion of Russia by a land force is an infatuation ; that we
have attempted too much , and , in obedience to a cry out of doors , have undertaken a task more difficult than any nation has ventured upon before . The Ministry have played falsely and treacherously ; and there will be a heavy reckoning for them hereafter , as well as for the aristocracy . He thought , indeed , that the masses had been more to blame than the aristocracy in the disasters of this war , and that they should reform themselves before they talk of reforming others . But , if the people are disappointed in the upshot of the war , they will demand a victim ; and no institution in the land will be too high for the reaction which may ensue .
Mr . Collier was prepared to support the amendment of Mr . Lowe , and thought that , as the Russian party has now left the cabinet , the element of weakness has been removed . —Lord Harky Vane regarded the Russian proposals as affording sufficient security . —Sir Strafford Northcote blamed the Government for insisting upon their interpretation of the Third Point as a sine qua non . He therefore could not vote for Mr . Lowe ' s amendment ; which , however , was regarded by Major Reed as the best
means of carrying out the desire of the people , namely , a vigorous prosecution of the war . A desultory discourse ensued , in which Mr . Ewart , Mr . Vansittart , Mr . Francis Scullt , Mr . Crosslky , and Mr . J . G . Phillimoke , took part . The lastnamed speaker observed that the observations on a previous occasion of Mr . Gladstone left him , in common with Mr . Collier , at no loss to understand how it has happened that our magnificent military preparations have shrunk to miserable defensive operations , and that disaster has followed victory .
Sir James Graham then rose , and , after alluding to the painful feelings of embarrassment and difficulty which he experienced , said that-he still held to his first opinion that the war was in the original just and necessary ; but it was right to inquire if the objects of the war had been obtained . He wished to know from the Government—fir 3 t , what was the proposition lately made by Austria which England had rejected ; and secondly , whether , in their opinion , the Four Points were still regarded as the basis of any future arrangements with Russia , or whether these points had been abandoned , and fresh terms were to be offered . It is quite true that during a war it is perfectly legitimate to vary the terms of peace ; but the object of the war should be kept steadily in view , and should not vary with the incidents of the war . The avowed , and he considered
the sole , object of this war was the maintenance of the independence and integrity of Turkey . The force of our arms has extorted great concessions from Russia ; but it is not politic to humble an adversary too much . He agreed with the rule laid down by Lord John Russell , when he said that the honour of the adversary should be consulted as well as our own . He ( Sir James ) was , he acknowledged , a party to the proposition for limiting the Russian power in the Black Sea ; but he had never regarded it as an ultimatum , in which light he did not consider it tenable , nor was it accepted by France , nor proposed at Vienna , with that intention . On the other hand , he considered that the second Russian proposition contained the elements of an adjustment . Although not the friend of Russia , he thought that the honour of Russia must be considered—that she must
not be pushed to the wall ; and , esteeming the restoration of peace one of the greatest blessings that could be conferred upon this country , he deeply regretted that any opportunity should be lost , and entirely disapproved of that mischievous doctrine that we are justified in fighting for mere prestige . The interest of England he believed to be involved in concluding peace now ; but ho thought that the fall of Turkey in Europe may be anticipated , and that care should bo taken that Constantinople do not fn . ll into the hands of Russia .
Lord John Russell , in answer to the remarks of Mr . Cobden , again cursorily glanced over tho proceedings of tho Confcrencea , maintaining that the Russian proposals would in no way lesson the preponderance of tho Czar in tho Bluck Sea . Tho rejection by Russia of our plans was not a question of honour , but was based on military considerations . It arose out of tho belief that the fortunes of war had not been sufficiently adverse . Tho only modo of causing tho cessation of the preponderance of Russia in tho Black Sea is by diminishing her naval force there ; and , although it had been said that the plan would bo ineffectual , ho was of a different opinion , because ho believed that , if tho Russian
Government began building more ships in the Euxine , the suspicions of Europe would be roused The object of the war is still the protection of Turkey ; but the particular mode must depend on the events of the war . He did not share in the opinion that Turkey must necessarily fall fro m her o wn feebleness . Even now , by the abortive" negotiati ons she has been declared one of the powers of Europ e ' forming part of the general system , and with h er independepce and integrity plainly recognised . As to the amendments , they were not suited to the altered state of matters . The regular and efficient course would be for the House to address the Crown , in favour of a vigorous prosecution of the war .
Upon the motion of Mr . Roebuck , the debate was again adjourned , and stood over until Thursday night . EXCISE ACTS . The House then went into committee upon the Excise Acts , when certain resolutions , moved by the Chancellor of the Exchequer , were agreed to , after some discussion . The chief object of these resolutions was to enable the Scotch and Irish distillers to manufacture spirits in bond .
THE TURKISH CONTINGENT . In the House of Lords on Tuesday , Lord Panmure , in reply to Lord Ellen borough , stated that the delay in organising the Turkish Contingent had arisen from a disinclination to weaken the forces of Omar Pacha , by depriving him of any of his veteran troops . At the same time the Contingent would not be composed entirely of raw levies , because a portion of it would be drawn from old Turkish troops garrisoned in Bulgaria .
CLOSE OF THE VIENNA CONFERENCES . The Earl of Clarendon , in answer to Lord Lyndhurst , said he had that morning received information from her Majesty's Minister at Vienna that the Conferences had on the previous day been summoned by Count Buol , who had then made a proposition to the Russian plenipotentiaries . He believed that the Russian plenipotentiaries—the House must recollect that he spoke merely from a veryshort account of the matter—had required to know whether they might send the proposal to St . Petersburg . Upon the French and English ministers being consulted , they replied that they had no instructions
to agree to such a step . Count Buol then said , that having failed in carrying out the engagement which he undertook , namely , to find elements upon which the different parties might endeavour to treat , he considered that there was no further use in the Conferences being held . With regard to the question whether the proposal made should be laid before Parliament , he ( Lord Clarendon ) apprehended that there would be no objection to such a course . As , however , he was not yet quite certain what the proposal was , he should like to defer giving an immediate answer . A parallel statement was made in the House of Commons by Lord Palmerston , in answer to Mr . Bright .
PARISH CONSTABLES BILL . On the motion of Mr . Deudes this bill was withdrawn . He adopted this course because the Home Secretary had intimated that he would oppose the further progress of the measure , and would bring forward a bill of his own with a similar object . NEW MEMBER . Mr . Tite on Wednesday took the oaths and his seat for Bath . Shortly afterwards , tho " new member" got up from his seat with his hat on , with the view of leaving the House , when , amid considerable amusement , ho was arrested in his progress by general cries of " Order ! " t Tho hon . member soon comprehended the reason of the strange 6 alute he was receiving upon his initiation , and stopped the unwelcome exclamations as quickly as he could by " uncovering , "
MAYNOOTJI . The clauses of the Public Libraries and Museums Bill , and tho Public Libraries and Museums ( Ireland ) Bill , having been considered in committee , tho debate on Maynooth , which 1 ms stood adjourned from the 1 st of May , was resumed by Mr . Serjeant O'Brien , who denounced the proposal for rescinding the grant , and quoted tho evidence taken before the commissioners to show that the churges of disloyalty brought against the teaching of the college are false . Tho conduct of the people of Ireland , ho e ; u < l , w sufficient proof of tho loyalty of their teachers . Would Mr . Spooncr annul tho colonial grants ior tno support of the Roman Catholic religion ? Mr . Whitesidb gave ii historical sketch ot mayoth with tho view of nhowing that Jesuitism ft' - bllU miwi
no llUULtl Y * I HA ****** w * . ¦••{ j ~ -- — m j ]\ 1 ways has prevailed , and still does prevail , in u « - college , and that some of the books read there contain passages which even tho professors admit to uc sinful . Tho policy of the Into Sir Robert reel was to educate at the public expense a loyal and i" *™ " - parochial clergy , and to oxtinguitih tho regular u ^ M ' but the moment the act of 184 5 passed , tlio n »» n »* r bodies , and tho Jesuits at their head , began to niu tinly , and had increased to an extent never honr i oi boforo in Iroland . There had been a breach ol *»> " ¦»
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BS 2 , THE LEADER . IJSattjrday ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), June 9, 1855, page 532, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2094/page/4/
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