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Leader (1850-1860), 15th September 1855, Edition 1 of 2, Page 885, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      i ;} NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS , o notice can be taken of anonymous communications Whatever is intendedfor insertion must be authenticated bythe name and address of the writer ; not necessarily forptiblioationjbut as a guarantee of hisgoodfaith . iinmunications should always be legibly written , and on one aide of thepaperonly . If long . itincreasesthe difficulty , of finding apace for them . e oapijot underrate to return rejectedcommunicationa .

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      Untitled Article

      ere is npthing 30 revolutionary , because tlaereia nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain . 0 Jceep things fixed when all the world is by the very kvfr ot it 3 creation in eternal progress . —Db . AhholI )

      Untitled Article

      . y WHAT NEXT ? he " third point" has been established . The repandjeran . ee of jtussia in the Black Sea is , radically , at an end . "What next ? What « vthe uses of victory ? Is there to be peace , •" ' prolonged war ? If peace , upon what oiiii ^ s ? if war ,, to what purpose ? The ) inion of the English nation should reply , tplomacy has no object , except that of fcrifHng the political system of Europe in

      » : existing form ; it seeks to escape the perils ^ change . Government , in England at least , k , neither feeling nor principle . It is a nohine propelled by the strongest party . To © country ., therefore , is again offered the sqisipn of thig Question . If the leaders of fhe people" have intellects and energies , id if "the people" themselves have sense id spirit , the war may bo lifted off its esent basis , and moved in the right direc-! ¦ ¦ ¦

      . ^ e . must repeat to our liberals , though the j * th should offend them , that thei-e has noL Jen a full , calm , and rational expression of ib'lic ' opinion . The majority of men have > en ^ lu ^ tering ; others have been despairing ; lere has bpen suspicion , there has been iger ^ but there has not been a united moveon * conducted upon true political principles . Ftfile the combined armios besieged

      Sebasfence concentrated by Russia at Sebastopol . The Euxine is no longer ridden by Russian fleets , or threatened by Russian forts . The Sea of Azof shelters no dangerous armaments . In the harbour of Sebastopol not a ship is floating . Probably the Crimea itself will ' speedily be subdued . What then ? We must decide whether the war be for temporary or permanent , for general or local objects . If for temporary objects , enough has been done . Let the curtain fall upon this scene of slaughter and ruin . Humanity can spare no more to make a Turkish trophy . As far as cannon and bayonets can maintain Ottoman independence and integrity , bayonets and cannon have done their work . Austria holds the line of the Danube ; and it is for the Allies to determine how soon , if ever , a Russian flag is again to fly over Sebastopol or any other station in the Crimea . In a military and in a diplomatic sense , therefore , the assault upon Turkey is avenged . The line of the Danube is held for the Porte by its "faithful ally" of Austria . The Black Sea is safe ; another Sinope would be impossible . Of course , to effect a formal settlement , Alexander II . must ratify the decision of events ; but the armies which could not defend Sebastopol cannot retake it . Lord Aberdeen's objects are realised . We will not pander to the public appetite for mere victory . W ^ e ask the advocates of war , Is there a chance of destroying Russia ? There is , as we think , but do our liberals intend to profit by it ? An irresistible movement is necessary , or the struggle will go on , for the benefit of Austria , for the glory of the French Emperor , for the exaltation of the Pope ; but not for humanity , not for liberty or civilisation ; not for any purpose which would redeem its horrors or justify the shedders of blood . I / ord PaI / MEiiston declared in Parliament , not long before the session closed , that behind the " independence of the Ottoman Empire" there was " the independence of Europe '' to protest against the encroachments of Russia . In his mouth this phrase was little more than a trap to catch popularity ; but the truth is clear , that while the Turkish Empire must dissolve , whatever victories are achieved in the Turkish name , Europe may , by a signal exhibition of public intellect and magnanimity in England , be relieved from the ubiquitous despotism of Russia . If not , the inevitable result will bo , that the Mahommedau dominion , as it decays , will be partially transferred to the Cossack . When power is abdicated , it is not lost . When Nicholas becomes a clod , AiiiixANDEit becomes an Emperor . When the Turks no longer rule , their territories , their cities , their subjects , them * rivers , seas , and coasts will still constitute a mass of power , and if a liberal state in the east of Europe bo rendered impossible by the league of the lords of misrule , the blood of myriads will have been shed iu vain , for the Czars will possess Constantinople . To this the world must at last assent , if no principle is to bo established by the war . Whoa statesmen talk of protecting the independence of Europe , they imply that this independence has been threatened . But by Russia , how , and when ? In 1828-29 , whon she invaded Turkey . In 18 : 30-31 , when she extinguished Poland . In 1818-10 , when aho overthrew the free armies of Hungary . Iu logical sequence , therefore , there is no reparation made to the violated liberties of Europe , unless those acts aro reversed ; unless the " policy of Pjs'jl'BB ' and Cathkhine" be checked , not ; in | he Crimea only , but in Germany , in Sweden , and along the old Polish frontier . Our present Pirst Minister

      pal , iwith a bloody routine of negative suetasesi aud positive fuilures , we never held fab any cessation of the conflict was possible . h © Allies had to secure their prestige in i , e Crinftoo ,. presti ge means something more liin vanity ; ft means character , and it would » ve been insanity to stop the war by a con-&jiot i p f incapacity . Now , however , the SWersof attack at the command of England id Prance have overcome the powers of

      dedeclared twenty-thtee years ago that it was utterl y impossible tUat Russia could , " morally or politically , exterminate Poland . ' * "What in two years became of that declaration ? And what is the affirmation worth that it is " utterly impossible to disarm Russia ?" The alternative lies between this endeavour and a formal peace . Formal , we say , because there can be no peace—in the spirit ofpeaee —until liberty sets Europe at rest . 1 ? the diplomatic conflict be cut short , it will only be to clear the field for nobler struggles elsewhere . Italy has been heated by her sufferings almost to the point of explosion ; Germany , overshadowed by its Diet , betrays an uneasy motion . Iu Turkey itself there are omens of activity in the intellectual advances of the Christian population . And " Prance wants rest "—not apathy or torpor , but repose . With the capture of Sebastopol , the real complications of the Eastern dispute begin . If a settlement be not now effected , events will put the question between peace or war , and it may be beyond the power of diplomacy to answer . Austrian expectancy must -be affected by the success of the Allies . The Prussian King will , no doubt , redouble his efforts to evolve a treaty out of the confusion ; but the substantial fact will be , that when the Crimea is cleared of Russians , Prance and England must make peace , or carry their arms into another field . The winter is their season of grace . In the spring , policy must decide . Should Russia concede one point , and the Allies concede others , both parties may come out of the contest with military honours . Otherwise , the war will march ; a new enterprise will be commenced ; new objects , and perhap 3 new belligerents , must come upon the scene . We venture once more to invite the liberals of England to press their policy on the Government . IJord PAtiMEitSTON" is not Ossian ' s rock . Public opinion may drive him , as a cloud , if only public opinion is active and sincere . He may resign office , but cannot resist the nation . Last year we recommended a similar course of action , and were met by scepticism . Well , the Liberal party knows ita own feelings , and ought to know its own strength ; our part , at least , is taken . The war must be for Europe and for the human race , or to push it further is a crime . As it has been coaducted hitherto , neither liberty , nor civilisation , nor public justice has been kept in view . A league of Roman priests has profited by the depression of the Greek hierarchy in Turkey and in the Russian Empire . The intrigues of the Czab at the courts of Western Europe are and will bo as successful as ever . Austria has gained influence on the Danube ; Emperors and Popes rejoice in the humiliation of Patriarchs and Czars . The war interferes with every other movement , and itself adds nothing to the happiness or to the security of mankind . Ifc produces misery , fear , dissension . It endangers national friendships , and fosters illegitimate alliances . It seduces even Englishmen from their political chastity , and allures them , by military lust , to the desire of a Dictator . In a word , a high purpose is the only virtue possible in war ; without that pure object to consecrate the sacrifice it is the game of passion , of recklessness , of brutality . But war , directed to righteous ends , is preferable to the desolation of social ana political tyranny . Iu such desolation Europe awaits its deliverance . The choice is before us : —a statesman ' s war , for tlio aako or gazettes , illuminatiowa , and political rlinpsody , a war to establish » principle , 01 a peace to spare the world gnituitous agomea and demoralisation . Our such *** at SabaB-. topol affordH the opportunity . Better a useless poaco than a u&olvaa wur .

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      ' r ^ n ^ fSwS OF S CRIPTION TO v 4 Tii-. : ¦¦ - , i ' ¦> > "& $£ Qeabtv " I ^ r » H » l f ^ ar ..... — ..-. £ 0 13 0 fa be remitted in advance . ~ *~ % sr Sfoney Orders should be drawn upon the Stband ranch Office , and Be made payable to Mr . Aipbed E . - Aiiitm-Axi at THo . tSi , Strand .

      Untitled Article

      SUB 8 Egg 3 Pi : pg % 388 ^ 86 ^ 0 T 3 BE 3 Bcr B E 1 D : > E B . gg ^

      Untitled Article

      , * " Fivbkencb is now the price for an Unstamped < 5 opy of the Leader , and Sixpence if Stamped .

      Stamped copy of this Journal can be transmitted through the Post-office to any part of Great Britain as frequently as may be required , during fifteen days from its date , free of charge ; but it is necessary that the paper should be folded in such a manner that the stamp be clearly visible on the outside . is Leader has been " registered" at the General Postoffice , according to the provisions of the New Act relating to Newspapers , and an Unstamped copy has , therefore , the privilege of transmission through the post beyond the United Kingdom onj , j ) ayment of the proper rate of postage .

      Untitled Article

      JAfURDAY , SEPTEMBER 15 , 1855

      / 2^ Tt It If 1* *53 Flfft Tttii Jc?.Uulil At* Xx Ui Lr Ft ?

      Mnblit Maivs .

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 15, 1855, page 885, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2106/page/9/