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can we , £ ossit > lj > as a nation , atfcu&'tlie suc-, « es « , <« p renler ihefhanks ? _ - ' Wfe . said there was a moral to be learned from the fragmentary burlesque at a national celebration on Sunday next . Probably , and " we fully expect it , most sects will join in the celebration of that day ; the instincts of the nation will be too strong for its polemics . In essentials the religious feeling of the country is x'ight — it will be one in the main ; and if the ministers of religion knew haw to appeal to those fundamental feelings which constitute a real communion in
religion , we might begin to see sects melt mto each other , and organise in something like a national church . Then we might hare national ministers leading the people to pay a national tribute of thanks—but that is a celebration which we must speak of as belonging to the time when we are to possess " the Church of the Future . "
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escape such intervention , nor to all appearance will she be spared in the future . England herself has t-wice endeavoured to implant her institutions in . the Peninsula , first , __ in the South , where she failed through the infamous duplicity of the Bourbons , and afterwards in Piedmont , where her influence has produced the most happy results . Her exertions , however , ¦ w ould have been far more effective had she not , in 1848 , professed a sort of political cynism , and remained indifferent , while the French Government suppressed the rising freedom of Central Italy , and , by giving aid to the despotic
govern-ENGIiAND AND FRANCE IN ITALY . ( From a Correspondent . ) The principle has been invariably maintained by the Leader , that the moral support afforded by the friends of Italy to the cause of her independence gives them no right to interfere in the Italian question , and that it would be unjust and indiscreet to intrude where intrusion would only obstruct the spontaneous action of the Italian people . This principle , however , is not likely to rule the policy of France ; for that power , while contending against the usurpation of Russia , aspires to be the armed reviewer of every European State , and the general censor of dynasties and constitutions . Italy in former times did not
ments of the peninsula , caused a European reaction which prepared the way for Louis Napoleon ' s coup d'Stat . . England accepted the fact , while the means employed by that ruler to obtain power became an example to those continental states , which , since the first French revolution , have received their political tone from France . Thus , while Piedmont , as a singular and praiseworthy exception , adopted the English constitution as her model , the other Italian Governments looked up to the despotism of Napoleon III . France and England at that time acted separately in diplowell in affairs
matic , as as military : they are now united ; but is it probable that they will act together in Italy P Great Britain is cordially sustaining Piedmont . The English people entertain a deep respect and sympathy for the loyalty displayed both by king and subjects in that Italian state . On that point there is no difference of opinion . The premier only expressed the general feeling , when ho said at Melbourne that , remembering the important part played by Holland , by Venice , by Genoa , smaller states territorially than the kingdom of Sardinia , we are justified in expecting that Sardinia will exercise no inconsiderable influence
founded in the slaagfeter of * he people ^ the violation of the most solemn oaths , "the destruction of all free institutions , and the annihilation o £ the thought and genius of « nation numbering forty millions of inhabitants . In Louis Napoleon we have a man of unbounded ambition . Among the many vast projects comprised in the MSes Napoi ^ onmennes" is a declaration of Napoleon I » , -which Napoleon III . repeated at Marseilles during * be first days of his empire , " The day must come when ike Mediterranean must be a Wench lake . " Italy must be the Btartingpoint to the realisation of this dream , and whoever m this country has carefully studied the question of the Holy Places , the dissensions of the two ambassadors at Constantinople with regard to the Suez Canal , the gradual progress of French influence in the East , and of French policy in Central and Southern Italy , will see that Napoleon is a man who has « , fixed object in view , and will try to hit straight to his mark . The position of Italy in the very centre of the Mediterranean , her numerous harbours , her immense resources , as yet undeveloped , added to the natural energy of her inhabitants , point her out as the future stronghold of that inland ocean . The Adriatic , the Archi pelago , the coasts of Asia and of Africa , are all within a short distance of Italy ; and it would ^ require no Marco Polo , Columbus , or Vespucci , to revive the spirit of the sailors of Venice , Genoa , and Amalfi , and renew the commerce of those cities with the ancient marts of the world . The people of Italy still remember the past , and this alone is an omen of their future greatness . . "We at least cannot be more jealous of Italian competition than of Austrian preponderance . But how will matters stand if Italy , or even a part of Italy , be allowed to form a French province P Italy , deprived of liberty and independence , -would be but a star in the French crown , an instrument to promote French influence . Dangerous to the world , useless to herself , she would serve but to gratify the immoral ambition of a foreigner . We fear that sueh a question may ultimately arise . No one can fail to foresee in the coming and inevitable struggle of Italy a cause of distrust and coldness between the Allied Powers . France and England could never agree upo n this subject , unless they left Italy to herself , and permitted her people to fight their own battles . Unfortunately , the dtarse adopted by Napoleon in Rome in 1849 , and by Murat at the present time , prevents our standing aloof . At this very moment , while the propagandism of the Murat party is at work throughout the Neapolitan kingdom , an English fleet is stationed ^ before Naples . Will it co-operate to deliver the Neapolitans from their tyrant P We think not ; and for many sound reasons . Nevertheless , the people of both countries unanimously denounce the atrocities committed by King Bomba and his sbirri ; but , a . s there is no unity of views between the two Governments , there can be no common understanding as to the course they shall adopt . _ The French Government , by prohibiting the circulation of Murat's pamphlets in France , of course denies all connexion with his party ; accordingly , some semi-official French papers affect simplicity and astonishment at the departure of English vessels without having previously communicated with the foreign Minister of Napoleon ; the more so , they say , as the voyage of a French fleet from Toulon or Marseilles would have saved us further trouble . Wo have to deal with an ally who keeps his own counsel : but wo must remember he has deceived the people and broken his solemn oaths , and therefore his sincerity can only bo trusted so fur as our interests may bo in accordance with his own .
on the destinies of the world . At the same time it is notorious that these arc not the opinions of official Franco ; - \ ve nil know that the services of the Sardinians in the Crimea have been disparaged , or passed over in silence by the French gbvernmental journals . It is evident that the freo press of Piedmont causes uneasiness to the French despot , who cannot forget that the Italian flag "which Victor Emmanuel may one day unfurl bears two words which ho would gladly obliterate from the dictionaries of ovory language— " Liberty and Nationality . " While , therefore , England would 'gladly behold Piedmont taking a loading part in an Italian war , Napoleon would regard such a Catastrop he ns an obstacle to his plans , and a menace to his system—a system connected by sympathy with the Austrians , both having been
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THE SARDINIAN STATES ; THEIR HISTORY , dOVISHNMICNT , AND LAWS . ( Front , a Correspondent . ) " In Italia non raanca matcria da introdurvi ognl formn . Qtu b virt . li gr . indo nolle membra quundo hi non maneasso no' capi . "—Machiavklxi-Given tho kingly prerogatives of the timohonourod house of Savoy , the democratic traditions and republican institutions of Nico _ and Genoa , to find a free progressive peoplo , with a liberal representative government , m these revolutionary times . This problem , pregnant with importance to Italy , and interesting to all who desire _ her national indepondonce , naa been solved by Piedmont .
Maurienne , a small province in Savoy , was , eight centuries -ago , the nucleus routfd wiiidh a race of princes of pure Italian blood have formed ^ kin gdom that now extends dver -nearly « fourth , of the peninsula , including the duchies of Savoy and Genoa , the counties of Piedmont and Nice , together with the Island of Sardinia , one of the most valuable possessions in the Mediterranean . The people of thes e states , though planted in the very centre of the factions that have deluged France , Spain , Germany , and the rest of Italy , often the battle-field and victims of these factions , have for centuries kept their footing , and now bid fair to become one of the freest and most enlightened nations of Europe . The Piedmontese , standing up boldly betweeu France and the unwieldy dominions of Austria , do in deed , if not in word , profess , " We are Italians , self-governed , self-sustained ; we challenge those who , on the plea of our national incapacity for government , condemn us to foreign rule , to come and see what Piedmont slowly and silently has achieved , and before sneering at our laws and institutions , to prove wherein they are deficient of those elements and princi p les that conduce to a nation's welfare . Let any impartial judge , be he a constitutionalist or republican , go to Piedmont , go among the people , he will find the subjects of Victor Emmanuel devoted to their king . They say , ' Our king keeps his word . Where he promises he fulfils his promise . ' He will find exiles from the other states forming companies for the prosecution of railways , ship-ways , &c ; they will say , Our jnoney and our energy find safe investment in Piedmont . The king has pledged himself not to interfere , and we know that we can carry on our enterprises without let or hindrance . ' Men who have spent their lives in efforts for the national independence of Italy honour the Piedmontese Government . Garibaldi , who has fought for liberty in the old world and the new , ever since his hand could wield a sword , invariably , in writing or talking of his country , speaks of Piedmont as the " bulwark of Italian nationality and independence . " He proves his attachment by remaining there , and accepting the modest command of the steamers running between Genoa and Sardinia . Man in , the brave defender of Venice during the fourteen months that she held out against the Austrians , after every other city had surrendered ; Manin , whom historians * and patriots of every creed agree to honour , writes from Paris ( of course no Paris papers can publish a sentiment so contrary to the wishes of the " Oracle of Versailles" ) , " If regenerated Italy is to have a king , there is but one possible , and that is the King of Piedmont . ' ' ' Since , therefore , Italians look to Piedmontas their stronghold ( in addition to the interests which all England must feel in her affairs since her sons are linked to ours by the stern chain of war ) , this country assumes a peculiar importance to those who feel that Austria ' s sway in Italy is at least as infamous and unjust as Russia ' s pretensions in Turkey . To discover wherein lays the strength of Piedmont ; by what means she has attained to her present prosperity ; how , instead of falling a prey to discordant , monarchical , and democratic elements , she has blended and made them a check one upon the other , is the task that we propose to ourselves . The history of the States of Sardinia may be divided into two parts . The wars of Charles V . and Francis 1 ., whon nearly all the possessions of the House of Savoy were annexed to France , forms tho break between them . It may be urged that tho former period can possess but little interest or importance if separated from the histoi-y of tho other states of Italy . This is true in a measure ; but as each of the
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^ £ ^ iEi ifc ii ^ ||| 5 . ] roHliBIB , ^ 89
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* Farini , whom no ono will accuse of democratic tendencies , lms tho following ! " Tho virtue nnd patriotism of those illustrious men , Manin nnd Sonunasea , gavo an example to tho turbulent swarms in other Italian cities . They abstained from ovory P ro ™««'" ff which could cause public excitement , or oin '" f » i ,,, * strifo of factions . Yet more honourable was t / ito , " when Venice had afresh assorted |« j | J « J ' ^ after tho national disasters in FW "' jfcrinn invawas Hooking to keep lionwlf safe from «« " * , | 0 flettt of sion ; and when Manin had «««» ' »«< £ , afl to iv 0 no power , ho followed a ^ V / hroS *« d know how to ™ 801 , aludotono ' s ' JYaudaUonO
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 29, 1855, page 939, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2108/page/15/
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