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can- to strengthen our defences at home , or to augment our forces , in presence of the enemy . The oriev issued by Major Pjs Bowles de Mqi « &WX # « s > therefore , is calculated not only to have the effect of rousing the Kerry militia mid Limerick , but also in reminding the thousands of Irishmen that stand now undistinguished from Englishmen in the Crimea and in Odessa , that they are a degraded class whom their fellow-countrymen Avhen in safety will revisit with
humiliation and contumely . Major De Kolkes i > e Molleynes may be said to have cultivated Ci mutiny which is likely to Jbavo fruit in other mutinies , before enemies as well as at home ; for all Irish , wherever they may be , are reminded that , although the drum may march them into the presence of the enemy , it must not march them into the
presence of their Creator ; that equal as they may be when they are considered food for powder , they arc not equal when considered as creatures of a common Father . They have an equal right to immolate themselves in attacks upon the Redan , but the } - have no equal right in the eyes of a De Koixes de Moilei'nks—no equal protection from the Torv General of the district in which
Limerick is placed . AVe Avail to sec what Lord Palmebstox ' s War Minister will be instructed to say to De Kolles de Molleynes .
ITALIAN LEADERS AT WORK . ( From a Correspondent . " ) The uncertain tendencies of the revolution which , on the barricades , or on the battle-field , will probably , ere long , take place among the justlyexcited populations of Italy , have already been illustrated by the opposite character of the documents which have been published almost ' simultaneously , anil partly in connexion with each other . "Wo have In-fore us the manifesto made by Kossuth , Mnzzini , and Lodru KoUin to Europe , the proclamation of Mazzini to the Neapolitan youth , the letter of Lucicn Murat to the Times , the revolutionary national programme to the
Sicilians , the adhesion of the Republican Mauiu to the House of Savoy , and the protest of the Neapolitan and Sicilian exiles against any dynastic question which is not founded on the free will of the people . Each of these documents takes a different view of the subject , each pretends to show the Italian people the way to Liberty , and each circulates through the Italian peninsula among partisans , sectaries , and patriots . " What will be the ultimate result of these rival ambitions , these divisions , and this party spirit ? How will they affect the impending struggle , which will probably decide for ever the future of a nation so noble and so loner suffering V
Revolution is not easy , hence it is not a frequent event . To be successful it must be of rare occurrence , and have a determinate object ; it should know from the past what dangers to avoid , what passions to raise , what to repress , and how best to direct the movement . In Italy , where a dozen revolutions have failed through the divisions fomented by governments , or parties who were the faithful servants of foreign powers , the lessons of the past are too well known , and the object to be attained too well defined . Mnzzini ' s error scorns to be an attempt to conduct and realise the revolution by an abstract idea . He has never studied the opportunities of the times , nor the actual condition of Europe , but , deeply immersed in dreams ,
constructs the destinies of the people , and comes forth from the silence of his chamber with a programme announcing to Europe at large , to Italy in particular , that ( to vise his own phrase ) " Kingdoms arc ruined from the . /« . ' " that all is now ready , that republicanism has but to show itself , and forthwith Austrians , French , kings , popes and priests will disappear . Now , it needs no argument to prove that republicanism is on the distant horizon . It waa destroyed as soon as born in Italy , it was treacherously crushed in France , nnd in our day it haa never been tried in any other country . After theso failure * , is it likely ' ot the present moment to bo seriously contemplated in Italy P In France , besides Bonapartisin and re-
MR . THACKERAY'S FAREWELL LECTURE . The last public appearance in England , previous to his departure for America , of the author of Vanity Fair and The Newcomes , took place on Wednesday evening at the Jews Literary and Scientific Institution . The room was crowdedin fact , overcrowded ; and some interruption had to be encountered at the commencement of the Lecture , owing to the struggles for place of the ticket-holders . " Humour and Charity" was the subject of the discourse , which consisted of a resume of the six Lectures on the English Humorists with which Mr . Thackeray has already delighted the world . Some additions , however , were made in the form of brief criticisms on , and extracts from , living humorists , even including the works of the Lecturer himself . A summary of the chief points of the Lecture is thus given in a daily
contemporary : — " Tbe object of the lecturer was to show that the humorist has a higher function than that of merely contributing to the amusement of his readers , his being the magic power to excite their charity , to elevate their turn of thought , and altogether to make them wiser and better than before . Mr . Thackerav ' s earlier illustrations of his
position were received with silent attention , plainly indicating that the literature of the Augustan age of English literature is little better than a sealed book to modern audiences . His admiration of Addison was accepted upon trust , and his laudation of Steele excited merely curiosity ; but when he came down to modern times * the hearty and repeated cheers proved how admirably he coincided with the general acceptation of the authors enumerated . The allusions to Charles Lamb evoked the applause of the elders ; Thomas Hood met with more general recognition ; but when the lecturer came down to Jerrold , Dickens , and the author of Vanity Fair the company gave decided indications that he had reached the level of every one's literature . As a question of quantity , the applause was pretty equally divided between Nicholas Nickleby and Vanity Fair , but
some deduction must be made for the personal presence of the author of the great novel of the century . In this portion of the lecture , and a propos of popularity , an admirable use was made of some of our cheap current literature , to which was given as ft pendant a visit made by the lecturer to a penny theatre , the description of which elicited shouts of applause . Tho object of both passages was to show that the popular feeling is always with tho weak against tho strong , and can only be successfully appealed to by showing up a struggle between 1 minions of the aristocracy' and chivalrous men in moleskin , which invariably terminates in the complete triumph of the latter . Throughout , Mr . Thackeray contended , and proved to the satisfaction of his audience , that tho pen of tho humorist ia always enlisted in tho cause of love and charity , and that it invariably docs good service in fostering both those valuable qualities of erring humanity . "
Tiik Tkstimoxiai , to Skrobant Bkodxe . —Tho movement , originated at Canterbury , in ^ behalf of this ill-used non-commisaionod officer , is progressing H « tiflfactorily , all classes . sympathising in hid p resent position , caused solely through his preventing a hostile «» ' « " « between two of his officers . Among tho list » f / "i ?" , " ^ . ions already received stands tho name of tho i . nr Shaftesbury for />/ . A letter hit * boo " . ' ^ , 'Xng police-sergeant , enclosing « * ulwcri |» Hoi , and * l > eakinfc in enthusiastic terms <**«* £ * •«*** J flIin 0 uncos A Nk jv P' ^ 7- - ^/ l ' -loovored a now planet . Indistinctly stilted .
pubhcanism , there is legitimacy ; while in Italy , besides tbe choice between half a dozen tyrants , or the Idea , there is the Independence and Unity o the nation , an object far more precious to the Italian patriot than tho mere substitution of one form of government for another- Opportunities do not therefore at present favour M . Mazzini ' s plans , and this of itself throws doubt on his political foresi g ht ; for policy , more especially revolutionary policy , may truly be defined " the science of opportunities . "
These considerations have not escaped the more practical observation of Daniel Manin , for we hear him say , " I , a republican , raise the standard of union . " The republican party , so deeply calumniated , offers a new act of self-abnegation to the national cause . That party says to the House of Savoy : " Remember Italy , and we are with you . " They say to the Constitutionalists : " Take thought for Ital y and not for the aggrandisement of Piedmont alone . Be Italians , and not mere burghers , and we are with you ; if not—not . " There is a true appreciation of the actual state of Europe in
the considerations which rule Manin ' s conduct . About ten years ago Count Cesare Balbo , a Sardinian statesman , whose name stands high in public estimation , wrote a book on the " Hopes of Italy , " in which he proved that the future solution of the Italian question , as far as regarded Austria , would depend on the future dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire . The argument was simple enough , although it appeared very strange at the time . He took the principle of compensation as a basis , and showing how extremely difficult it
would be to make new territorial arrangements in Europe without great and general events , he suggested that in the unavoidable partition of the European provinces of Turkey , Austria might receive a share as an indemnity for the loss of her Italian possessions . Liberals of every denomination laughed at Count Balbo ' s new idea ; but his book , possibly from the want of others on similar subjects , was read throughout Italy—although rather as a curious specimen of speculative policy than as offering any serious insight into probable events . Count Balbo died at the commencement of the
Russian war , but his book is now sought alter , from the fact that all the hopes , fears , and projects of revolutionary diplomatists and kings , in short all the most vital questions of Europe , are now centred in the existence or destruction of the Ottoman Empire and the final solution of the Eastern Question . The circumstance , therefore , of Piedmont sharing the dangers and glory of the Allies in the Crimea is , to a certain extent , a pledge that shcwill be called in to share something more in the final European
settlement , and this gives a certain air of prophecy to the idea of the SaVdinian statesman . The adhesion of Manin with his section of republicans to Piedmont , while it adds strength to that State , shows her growing favour among Italians of every party , and is also a noble abnegation of individual opinion for the general good . We most heartily cheer the pure patriotism which has thus seized the only opportunity for the unity of Italy , and we trust it mav find imitators .
While one republican leader has , for the last twenty-live years , stood firmly by his Jika , while a second is turning his eyes towards that land where the Italian " colours still lloat , and where Italy as a nation may be spoken of without crime , a third conceals himself beneath the folds of a royal mantle , and , fearing to show himself openly to his friends , tries secretly to obtain a sceptre for a Murat so as to drive away the Bourbon , and then , perhaps , at some future time to get rid of Murat he would be roadv to exhalt the Cap of
Liberty . Murat , theretore , is a mere supernumerary in the drama ; the principal actor is Mr . " Salieeti , a man highly esteemed by his countrymen for his honesty and talent , and whom we would gladly justify for thus endeavouring to throw his country into the arms of a new foreign pretender , if such a proceeding were in accordance with the wishes of the moro prominent of the Neapolitan and Sicilian refugees . These at
have , however , in two separate protests , one ( Jenon the other at Turin , made known that 14 they think there is no necessity for the people of the Two Sicilies to manliest beforehand what shall be the form of government , or the dynasty that shall rule over them ; this can only be determined in accordance , with the rights and interests of the whole of Italy . " Mr . Snliceti , a leading member of the European Committee , haa thus lost the confidence of his republican friends , although the favour of an Imperial court , and the more efficient
money which Murat , whentm the throne , may confer upon hinij would seem to many a sufficient compensation for this loss . It is said that he has succeeded in obtaining a loan among Italian capitalists in aid of Murat ' s projects . Murat does not disavow his claims , but , on the contrary , explains on what grounds he intends to act ; of course , according to the trick of all pretenders , he professes to give to the Italians everything they wish , while it is understood that his cousin is afraid to act lest suspicion should be thrown on his frankness . Thus we have the strange anomaly of proclamations and declamations by Italian republican leaders , united to imperial and princely letters , all breathing impatience for action , and each party ready to tear Italy into fresh portions .
Unfortunately they have forgotten Austria , who in the meantime , with German coldness and forethought , looks calmly on , makes preparations for war , adds fresh troops to those already under her command , and sees with satisfaction , if she does not secretly add to the multiplicity of discordant elements , whose existence is her life . Will not these considerations induce Italian leaders to enrol themselves under the " Standard of L nion raised by Daniel Manin ?
Qctober 13 , * 855 ^ TJI REAPER . 937
Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 13, 1855, page 987, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2110/page/15/