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Leader (1850-1860), 24th November 1855, Edition 1 of 2, Page 1118, Untitled Article

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      , „„ THE LEADER . [ No 296 , Saturday 1118 . . - > ¦ ¦¦ " ¦ - the

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      from the moment of its promulgation . The Pope , therefore , now possesses power throughout the Austrian Empire which the Emperors of Germany never recognised , even in Italy , and which Hildebband would scarcely htaye elaimedbwhen lie made the EMvA ^ M& ' . &t him- # r # ob * ed What is the Austrian EmpbSor ' s quid pro qiio f He has proclaimed himself iftie head of a new crusade in the war of principles : he has made himself patron of the Pope and of all that the Pope can inHuence ; he has secured a corporate agency for helping to render unto Caesar the things that he desires throughout his Empire , and for procuring unto CiEsar , beyond those bounds , many acquisitions , the half of which the Pope would be glad enough to take for his share . Vigour abroad is not attended by a corresponding show of vigour at home . The winter season appears to cramp us with cold , and statesmanship seems to be hybernating . Lord Palmerston wanted two colleagues to take the places of Sir William Molesworth , deceased , and Lord Canning , promoted to he Governor-General of India ; and there was a splendid opportunity of bringing in some of the boasted " new blood . " The Colonies opened the way for the Earl of Elgin , and we can hardly conceive the reason why he was passed -over : the Colonies would have Meed him , the country was prepared to receive him well . ' Perhaps he was too avowedly pledged to amity with the United States . The appointment of Mr . Laboucherk will provoke no hostile feeling , but it will convey no public re-assurance : he is hi g h-minded , discreet , liberal , regular , always to be depended upon and fore-calculated—the very man for a king , or a chief cleric , but of no political use in a Council of Statesmen bound to be active and initiative . The vacancy at the Postoffice was an opportunity for one of two courses , either of which would have "been popular . Some rising statesman with power and ambition might have been lifted into the Cabinet , such as Lord Wodehouse or Mr . Lowe ; or the place . night have been separated from the political Cabinet , and the headship of the Post-office might have been conferred upon its real master , Rowland Hill . But what advantage to our postal communication can be derived from putting over it the Lord Privy Seal and Lord President of Glasgow University we do not see ; still less do we see the strength which a War Government can derive from allowing the Duke of Argyle to sit upon the two stools of the Post-office and the Privy Seal , unless , by a novel division of tlie Cabinet , the new fefvours of the Postmaster-General should counterbalance the peace tendencies of the Lord Privy Seal . Mr . Scovell having . levanted , there was no apposition to the return of Sir Charles Napier as nemher for Southwark and the Baltic . According ; o appearances , however , his naval tribuneship in ; he House of Coimnons will he a great practical anachronism ; he will bring before the House , the lelaya and official misdemeanors of 1854 , coupled pvith a strong support of Lord Palmerston in 1855 , a course which , will Tender it difficult to shape appropriate motions for the session of J . 856 . But as the Admiral does not intend to damage the Minister in possession , ho ^ vxJl probably bo allowed to dramatise . his Baltic . , xeaniniscences and his Qr a ham correspondence ; . ¦ emang' the attractions > f the season , then , ; we xfay . atlt' flovyn the diverlion to bo afforded by , the Reforrify € > lub , Admiral n roasting the Peelites , and turning the tables » pon his ttofoirm'CUu'b , hosts , ' :, ;¦ ..: > - ¦ . \ , If , Southwark ., baa- ejected , » 3 fnem ; ber for -the ¦ taltic , Wells has elected a metiabe * pepthp 0 rim 6 a > ri Captain JoLtFpB . ^ ells *! eje , Gt * Serjea * it RiNriw ^ Ake , who unfyrttmntfs the Crimea , in order to wleot Captain Jolippbj who Iia 8 been there , 3 * pi 5 < unvJdLSprB'B ^ paid n ^ cat was Mr . Edmund * Y < -JjV > \ i- -i- '¦¦¦ - ¦¦• ' i- .. . »' ,: ¦ . '¦> .. , ' . V , ' . . J . .. . . , ; ' , *•

      DAvff ^ who ^ isf | he |« fecretary of Bishop of Bath an | IWEf ££ ^ Stfa the fact of the Bishop's having j&pmitted ' TnV Secretary to do the dirty work of ? M electioneering agent has excited a great scatldal . . - The Manchester manufacturers KSve accepted the challenge of their htftUdsi and they come forth to explain their own conduct . They allege several reasons why they cannot adopt the course suggested by the men , and why they must persevere in the reduction of wages , instead of resorting o short time . They are undersold in Liverpool by manufacturers of neighbouring towns , who have ' permanently retained a lower rate of wages than the Manchester men ; and they could not adopt short time as a means of diminishing the exports of cotton and the glutting of markets , because they have no power of preventing the manufacture and export by some ten-elevenths of the manufacturers who reside beyond the precincts of Manchester . This is the argumentum ad impotentium : the masters reply that they cannot help it ! and while they make out a tolerable case for themselves , they almost confess that there is no case for the whole body of the manufacturers . They avow that as a body the manufacturers do continue to produce a larger amount than the markets at home and abroad require ; that if they must continue they injure the trade ; and that in order to save themselves , they must sacrifice the workpeople , if the workpeople consent to be sacrificed . These arguments are strong in excuse of the Manchester manufacturers ; they are powerless against any better combination of the men which might withhold the labour that the masters confessedly abuse . In short , it is the masters * who are undermining the trade , and the plea of the Manchester owners is , that they , out of the number , cannot help it . But their incapacity can be no consolation for the men who see their better policy overruled by the avidity or the recklessness of the majority of the masters . Since the contest is left on this footing , it is probable that we shall hear of a sequel to it . In the meantime W 3 liave an historical document throwing some official light upon a popular movement in the metropolis . The Sunday Trading Bill riots in Hyde Park have been immortalised by a Blue Book from the Royal Commissioners . The Commissioners whitewash the majority of the police , with a friendly covering even for Inspector Hughes , while they condemn three of the police as peace offerings to popular indignation . That popular movement , therefore , was perfectly successful . By their combined action the humbler classes put a stop to Lord Robert Grosvenor ' s legislative cant ; and the policemqn who obstructed the Hyde Park repeal are let off with a qualified acquittal , while the most active of their body are condemned to punishment . We have had several public demonstrations this week . Lord Naas , at Colerainc , the active mustersergeant of the late Tory Government , proclaims that the war must continue until we can have a real pence—not one patched up upon imperfect terms . Lord Londonderry , entertained by his tenantry and neighbours , claims for himself the post of their " elder brother . " But the grand demonstration of the week has been that at Birmingham , where a great assemblage of national as well as local notables attended to witness the laying of the first stone of the new "Midland Inatituto . " The institute combines the purposes of a literary and scientific institution with a school of industrial science and art ; providing a place also for the Government School of Design . In short , it is a temple for the diffusion of the secular faith which at present governs our temporal interests and progress . Prince Albert seizes the occasion , however , for inculcating the doctrine

      ^ Ivn ^ i cin ^ fe ^ a ^ f ^ j fails to preach to the English people fTJxe ivdrterStrT , % e tells them , must not only take ^ tiife ^ rul ^ i ^ bicfi he is taught by his predecessor in a trade / * BtitJmust understand the laws which dictated tfiifc rule , both that he may be enabled ta continue'the progress of improvement in his own business , and that he may be the wiser for observing the harmony of the laws which regulate the universe , from the architecture of the heavens to the making of a pin . The laws , said the PrinceI are not framed by us , they are not abitraril y constructed ; even the fine arts cannot arbitrarily n-vent rules to produce pleasurable ideas . The laws exist and work immortally in nature ; science does not create , hut discovers them ; and philosophy cannot separate them from the Divine rule that reigns over the whole . The Prince shows the unity which exists between the subject matters of science , art , instinct , and faith ; he teaches the broad religion which is opposed to dogmatism , and therefore to every kind of intolerance or reaction ; and he gives to that healthy doctrine , we may say , the seal of royalty which must make it current amongst the multitudes who would otherwise receive it with mistrust . But the Prince does , not only lend the stamp of royalty—he gives also a power of putting the largest truths in the most lucid language , and the most compact form . Amid all our discords and conflicts , however , it is balm to the vexed spirit that one touch of genuine unaltered nature makes us all kin , and brings us to work at the-same work . Our soldiers in the East were uncared-for in their sicknessjust as soldiers have been ages back . Their dejected state went to the heart of womanhood , and made the emotion of sisterhood yearn to tend them . In our day , we have grown so estranged from our natural condition , that we arc ashamed of our instinctive emotions : but gentleness lends courage to conscious duty , and , in the , simple voice of Florence Nightingale , declares that brother men shall not perish untended . The Lady of our day sets forth , and ministers to the wounded—yea , plunges into the unutterable abominations of the neglected hospital . The forgotten soldier welcomes the sweet rescue , and the roughest man of " the rail , " subdued by that angelic visitation , becomes us gentle , as thoughtful , as " pious" in the presence of the Lady , as knighthood would have been . No service has done so much to redeem our hardened spirit . The whole country feels it , and desires , retrospectively , to share in the mission by honouring its fair leader . Hence the ' Provisional Committee" to invent and carry out some suitable testimonial ; hence the public meeting at Willis ' s ltooms on Thursday next ; at which we verily believe that every man in the country will bo present , in spirit if not in body : and the rooms , we know , will be all too narro . v to contain so much of us as will be present bodily . An election to the Hebdomadal Council at Oxford deserves to he noted for its significance as an indication of the current of opinion among that important and influential class from which the government of the Reformed University is to proceed henceforth . The candidates on the occasion were the Kcv . J . E . Sewell , of New College , ft conscientious Obstructive , and the Rev . J . E . Patterson , an equally conscientious , and . we may add , a very enlightened nnd n , ble Reformer . The Obstructives mustered all their forces , nnd , we cannot be surprised to learn , defeated the Reformer : nevertheless Mi-Patterson polled the very respectable and significant minority of sixty , and it is not too much to say that these sixty votes included all that represents the aristocracy of intellect at Oxford . Meantime the Oxford Union Debuting Society ( that nursery of en / ants terriblvx ) g » i- > s on convulsing tho nation every week , by sud * debates and divisions as the following : " « cite the sense of tho questions proposed for dis-

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 24, 1855, page 1118, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2116/page/2/