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    THE NATIONS OP THE PRINCIPALITIES . The nations of the Danubian Prxncipalifci have claims whioli , being inimical to the po tical interests of three of the Powers repr sorited at Paris , will , probably , not bo a mitted . Tn addition to these olaims , assert by their historians and journalists— for th ha"ve both—they believe themselves to hs destinies which will not bo so easily sv pressed . Since the unhappy schism of th race , after the Tiansylviunian emigration , th instincts have perpetually tended to an tini Government , -while the intrigues of contigu « empires have invariably boon directed

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    proposes in the opening of evening schools , with lower rates for children of a greater age , and with prizes , present a very- obvious mode of counteracting this tendency . But perhaps the best of all counteractions will be offered in the example of success in . life attained by those children whose parents have allowed them to enjoy th ? larger amount of education . Af ter the general execution of such a plan as Lord John's , different ideas must prevail

    amongst the humbler classes as to the expediency and practicability of sending their children to school ,. and the advantages that they would thus secure . Lord John's measure would prepare the public opinion for developing , -upon its foundation , a much larger And more effectual measure , by teaching the parents not less than the children .

    On a sober reconsideration of the scheme , therefore , as a whole , and in its details , we feel convinced that it could be established- — thatit could be carried out without serious impediment— -thatit would secure the earliest and most essential advantages of a public education- —and that it would , present no obstacles tothe ^ terior , ^ Tb > e worst of all obstacles to the ... Introduction * of public edtication at pEesent is the

    non-existence of public education . Those are the worst Mends of education w 3 io refuse to accept a measure which ithey can have , because they Prefer some other measure which they cannot have . If the sincere friends of education for the people wilJL unite to support this measure , we can have it ; if they refuse to mute , it is evident that then it is not Lord John nor Sir J-qhn PAKmGTdaf who withholds from the people of England a working system of public education . . "< . ¦ ¦ ;

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    j the sinister action of its police , and in the expulsion of refugees . But these circumstances only strengthen the case in favour of the Constitutionalists—including under that head all who claim an Italian government for Italy . Italy , united and independent , would be what Piedmont , isolated and with , half-developed institutions , cannot l > e—a centre of liberal organisation in the South of Europe . But , in Turin , itself , are the head-quarters of injudicious liberalism and German and Bonapartist intrigue . Daniel Manin , therefore , writes with good reason against the sordid flatterers of the Court , and the exclusive advocates of the Republican party .

    " The constitution of this national party -which limited by my poor efforts , I labour to obtain , could be , if I mistake not a great step in the path which ought to conduct us to the redemption of Italy . " Other steps , both important and difficult , would undoubtedly remain to be taken , but this first would serve to prepare and to facilitate them . " The national party would naturally comprehend Royalists and republican Patriots . Po-werful bonds of bunion and concord , as between themselves , would be the communion of vieivs , and . the firm resolution to sacrifice predilections as to mere political form , in as far as the accomplishment of those views might require it .

    " It would be requisite to render this union more complete , this concord more strong ; to find the method of amalgamating these tyro sections in such a manner as to constitute one compact whole . That would call for reciprocal concessions by which an agreement might be obtained , or as you observe , a compromise . In the adjustment of the terms of this compromise lies the true knot of the question . To solve it all the true friends of Italy ought , to unite . I , for my own part , have proposed a solution . If any other man can find a better I accept it .

    ^ * 'Piedmont is one grand national force ; manyrejoica in it as a good , some deplore it as an evil , but no ou& can deny that it is a fact . Now facts cannot be neglected by the political man ; he is bound fco build them up , to strive , and to seek to draw from them sl cause— -a country . In the great struggle for Italy's emancipation to become hostile , or to render this national force inoperative , - would be ptire folly . But it is a fact that Piedmont is monarchical . It is therefore necessary that a concession should be made to the monarchical principle , which concession would have for an equivalent a conto&idation of the one national principle . ; .

    " In my opinion , the national cause of Italy ought to say , c I accept the ittonarcny , provided it be Unitarian ; I accept the HoUBe of Savoy , provided it concurs ^ loyally and efficaciously in making Italy ; that is ; in gendering her one and independent ; if . not —that is , if the Piedmontese monarchy fail to do its mission , I will seek to make Italy by other means recurring even if necessary , to ideas divergent fro a the principle of monarchy . ' '' Now , you will perhaps ask , me , how I am o : opinion that the Piedmontese monarchy ought to con duct itself to fulfil such mission . This is my reply : — * ' The Piedtnontese monarchy , that it may be faith ful to its mission , ought always to keep in . view , as its rule of conduct , the final aim of Italian indepen dence and un ty . "

    He proceeds to explain the serious danger of Piedmont—^ -that her Government may b < seduced into a compromise 'with Austria , o : forced to conciliate France . Austrian princi pies have . not yet been extirpated from th < realm of Sardinia ; the Papal party is by n < means extinct or powerless in Turin . Abov < all , the representative of Sardinia , at the Con ferences of Paris , may affix the seal of th kingdom to a treaty assenting to the domina tion of Austria in Italy . Thus , Sardini would , in the event of a patriotic war , b

    driven to the alternative of declining the ful filnierit of her duty , or of cancelling the act c her own plenipotentiary , Manin says thj Piedmont should he prepared " to take part i the national battles , " and adds that no oth « nucleus of Italian aspiration should be forme * But he must know that the course of the quas constitutional Government is uncertain , an may be influenced by strange exigencies . Tl Italians , as a nation , must accomplish the task , whether or not the projects of Victc Emmanuel are assimilated legally to the or great idea—a free and united Italy .

    " As the Thinker , " he says , " and a priori , I do believe the Republic to be the best of all governmeats , and that the exercise of liberty can be most largely and securely enjoyed under the federative form . As the Political man , I persist in seeking , with patient « are , that whiea is practically possible ; and , when Iseem to have found it , I contrive to direct iny active force in the way which I esteem most conducive -to that practical possibility . "

    MANIN ON THE FIJTUKE OF ITALY . Daniel . Manet has addressed to Lorenzo Valerig , editor of the T ^ rinese Dirttto , a letterj suffixed to sorrie fragments of what Btjbke would have called a "A General Epistle to the Italians / ' This communication is full of earnest and ^ nerous counsels -to the patriots of Italy . 33 ie ? war will , probably , end without any direct result to Piedmont or any of the other states of the Peninsula . They who , ' during two years , have menaced and insulted the King of -Naples , will now believe in M . Jules Condon

    , and recognise the Lord of Vesuvius among the legitimate protectors of Order . The Grand Duke of Tuscany , befriended at Vienna ,, at Paris , ajid at Rome , will rejoice in the waning sympathies of England with Sardinia . " As you were , " will be tlie word of command ; the- struggle between the Western Powers and Russia will have closed without satisfying one wild hope , or one enthusiastic desire ; and the nations that desire a redemption from political servitude will be left - once mote to work out for themselves the liberties' of the future

    In such an hour the Italians need not despair . We who nover believed in a crusade for freedom undertaken by English earls and country gentlemen , by German generals , or by the marshals of a phantom Empire ! , still feel that Mipq writes a true Word when he says the independence of Italy is possible , and approaches' day by day . 3 ut with him , we recognise the perplexities and dangera of her

    course . With powerful enemies , and unwise friends , who « an predict that her next conflict will not be as disastrous ae the last ? 'J aH ^ y ? there is in Piedmont a press partiajly / ftee—a press which , at least , is not the sycophant of French Imperialism , and which ' Oftreccitculatla the argument of Italian patriotjsto afea ^ ist ( forei gn BU premacy . The Sardirtm k ^ gjoin , ,, W ev ** , i& not free from K ^ noh an ^ uBtriaii influences , exhibited i * i the * femcuti 6 * Hi of i ^ ( bolder jotimalists , in

    The problem of Italian redemption is viewed , by Italians * under several aspects . But , at the bottom of . all lies the radical principle of Italian aiationality , the extirpation of alien power ; the rendering to Italy that which nature aad history gave her , and which fraud and violence , operating upon a divided

    communityj have taken away . This , the essential , should be the dominating principle , and , Manin adds , should be represented by a formula , the watchword of a national party . Without believing in the cardinal necessity of a verbal emblem , except of such as rise suddenly like stars from every mighty struggle , we think it would accelerate the ratification

    of a patriotic concord , were the kindred but rival nationalists of Italy to accept a common symbol . The monarchical , republican , federrative ideas rest on one basis- —Independence . They radiate from one centre— -Unity . Italy can never be independent and disunited , ¦ un ited and not free . Will one sincere patriot say that this is not t he object of every effort and ev « ry sacrifice ? - »

    " I call sincere patriots , " Maktn continues , " those who love Italy above all things el « e in the world , who consider the questions of monarchical and republican forms of subordinate interest , and are ready to make every sacrifice to make an Italy ; that is , to render her one and independent , hence embracing all Republicans who love Italy more than the Republic and all Royalists who love Italy more than any dynasty whatever . " Of course the Royalists must concede to the Republicans as much as the Republicans concede to them . We are seriously convinced that there are not a hundred

    Nationalists who reject the proposal of a central throne from any perversity of fanaticism . They believe , and with some reason , that the liberties of Italy are not identified with the ambition of any prince . But neither party possessing power enough to subvert Austrian domination in Lombardy , Frenoh domination in Rome , and the bastard despotisms in other parts of

    Italy , it is clear , that , to prosper , they must unite , and that to unite , they must compromise . What isnecessary is a great , harmonious party , absorbing- all the patriotism of the Italians , representing the vitality of the nation , destroying the old reproach of jealousy and faction . We are glad to find Manin declaring : — -

    " I 'believe the great Italian Giuseppe Mixsszini second to no » e , and I ana justified in indulging the hope that he might be induced to add » new « winent awvice to those already ( rendered to tho oauao of his beloved country , by sacrificing all claims of a eectartau kind to enter into tho great national pwfcy .

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    25 * THtE JLEAPE ^ [ No . 312 ^ aturday ,

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), March 15, 1856, page 254, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2132/page/14/