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Tiih Islington Murder . —Celestino Hoinmor has boon found guilty of the murder of her child by cutting its throat iu tho oollar of her house . The ciroumstunoos aro bo well known that thoy nood nut hero be ropoatod , Tho -woman is only four-aud-twonty years of age , and looks a more girl ; and tho child whs inoro than ton . Tho prisoner Buicl tlioro wcro "o roaeoiiB why judgment should bo stayed ; and nho wih Bontoncod to death , She appeared overwhelmed wMi grief and horror . ANaLO-FauNon Swindlers . — Throe moil , wunod Bornrd , Barmbd , imcl Schoollor , have junt boon condomnod to -various terms of imprisonment by tho
Paris Tribunal of Correctional Police , for oxtcnsivo swindling Ly moans of establishing prottmdod niorcontilo Iiouhos at London , Bristol , and other placet * in England . Borard and Barrabd had been concerned in tho inaurrootion of Juno , 1848 ; and had both had Homo connexion with tho Sooialist pronn . 'I '"? latter was editor of tho revolutionary paper , La Vrai Ph'e Jhwheanc . " Qo . vvo . h 6 ' a » amo npponrod , rather moro thuu two months ago , in connoxion ¦ wiUuui allogod Hwiudliug ouso winch was brought boforo tho city magistrate *) , but which broke down i ' or want o sufficient evidence . Tho faota will bo found iu Leader of January 20 th and February 2 nd . *
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though the basis of Peel ' s Acts of 1819 and 1844 is correct . But the Duke of Akgyle says that the present time is full of difficulty ; " so we must defer the inquiry . The House got into Committee on Lord John Russell ' s Education resolutions , every part of which finds objection from some side op other : Manchester objecting that it is not secular enough : ; Ml " . Henley , that it is too secular ; while Sir James Graham
as an " Infant Jesus / ' is sung by secret muses in other strains : — Voyez done quelle e s trange chance ! II ne manque a 1 'Enfant de France Que d ' etre tant soit peu Francais . Thus French society ioujours frondeur polishes Its chains , as in the times of that wily and fascinating Cardinal , in whose career M . » e Bro& 1 « i e found so tempting stud a& > ba $ Kant a pajtallel ,
when he described the " facile and necessary superiority of a man in posseao&n of power , pw suing one single interest , and tlast his own , wha sees before him nothing but- a wearied nation greedy of repose , disgusted of illusions , honourable men disarmed and discouraged , adversaries divided , jealous of one another , embittered by reciprocal animosities , and is himself resolved to stick at nothing for success . " But the protest of a man like M . de Broglie , of high name , ancient lineage , and unsullied personal reputation , who , within the measure of his convictions has remained true to the dying injunctions of his father —• " Forgive , and serve the Revolution "—is not the whisper of a salon . It is the protest of independence against servility , of character against corruption ; and it may well have struck one among the audience at the Academy , the ^ Foreign Minister of Constitutional England , emerging from the Tuileri . es .
There is , indeed , one other revolt in prospect , hut the theatre is more distant , though it concerns us nearly . Sir Charles Hotham , the Governor of Victoria , proved to be so incapable of governing the ; colony , that he literally broke downjunder the attempt to form a Cahinet ; and there is some doubt whether it is possible to construct a Cabinet according to the European pattern , and with a strict observance of English etiquettes , out of Melbourne materials . So conscious have the
colonists become of this fact , that they propose an expedient to meet the difficulty . Of course it is quite necessary that they should have men at the head of affairs to guide the business of the colony . They do not desire to be positively without a Governor ; but some of them have sent over a memorial requesting permission that they may elect their
Governor themselves ! Let us imagine a Viceroy of Ireland , elected by universal suffrage , and w < j should have , within sight of our own shores , a picture of what the Victorians propose . The idea is not bad . We do not see how it is to be grafted upon English monarchical institutions ; but it does not follow that it will not be carried out some day or other in Australia .
Our super-excellent Parliament has been doing its best , as usual , to show the want of some such revolt at home , if it were only to rouse honourable members from their slumlers of indifference . They have had important subjects before them ; but , however important the subjects , the measures were not very important , the debates were trivial , and the results almost nothing 1 . We might have thought that finance , education , and the quartering of sojdiors upon private eitixens , were topics sufficient to elicit definite conclusions , substantial measures , and busincss-liko treatment ; but every body seems to meddle , and nobody executes .
Mr . Muntz has demanded from the House of Commons , by resolution , *¦ an equitable adjustment" of tbo Income-tax j and there was a debate upon the subject , full of allusion to the 4 f difficulties" of making tho tax just . Everybody confesses that it is unjust ; so tho British People arc labouring ' under a tax unjustly arranged , and there is no man capable of setting it straight . The resolution , of course , waa dismissed .
Finance fares no bettor . Lord Eolinton ticnuouted ' Mi inquiry into the state of tho currency , which everybody allows to be unaatiafactory ,
alhas discovered that it is not Voluntary enough' — for he comes out as the champion of the Voluntaries ; and bo the House of Commons talks abou t education so indefinitely as to prevent us from getting at the thing . The Lord Advocate is niggling at little measures , for the purpose of coaxing schools into Government control throughout Scotland . But he is afraid , to use his hand boldly , and almost asks the House of Commons to let his bills pass oa ^ -as they have done at the second reading—out of pity .
The billeting point is important , and the result of the debate involves not less important considerations . Mr . Cowan objected to the Jbf . leting of militia-men upon private families in Scotland . He is answered 9 that there are no "barracks , that the Executive cannot spare the convenience ^ that billeting on publicans creates objection 5 n England , and that Scotland must- put up with the inconvenience . Now , there are two further questions involved here . In the first place , Mr . Peel , who brought an adverse division upon , his Government by his absolute tone , does not differ in the slightest
degree from his colleagues when he thus puts the convenience of theJExecutive as the one paramount object . Bat he does differ from them in one quality —in frankness . They all agree with himin practices , but they put on an appearance of " deferring to the ^ wishes of the people as expressed through the House of Commons ; " and thus less ingenuous men filch divisions out of members , while Mr . Peel ' s openness makes members rebel against the Government . For our own part we prefer a man like Peel , to a man like Sir George Grey ; who conceals tlie same departmental superciliousness under a cloud of " soft sawder . " But , secondly , we infer from the ministerial statement that , as jsoon , as the war has been all settled , they intend ^ entixely to disband the militia , and to fall back upon the old system of a mercenary standing army—an unpopular force , under the sole control of the Executive . The Oath of Abjuration ia again in debate . Mr . Milner Gibson has a bill at its second reading , to alter the oath , if not to abolish it : and the
Paul Veronese . However , membeis do not care either for pictures or the public money , unless a party . use can be made of either ; and so they leave it all to Ministers , as the Clown in the " Winter's Tale " says : the managers of his family " leave it all to my sister , and she lays it on . " Certainly , our representative system wants mending . Some of us are far less ably represented than the swell mob who having assembled in public meeting , under the presidency of Henrt
Mayhew , have d « ielared then * difficulties in declining business , and . taking up some calling more consistent with general opinion ; and have laid the foundation ) we trust , of a charitable society , constructed to assist them in tbeir laudable objects . Henry Mayhew is the first man who , whea t he question was asked how to reach the helpless and stray parts of society , thought of taking counsel from their wishes and experience . He has supplied the complement to that review of tlie subject which men like M . D . Hill , Charles Addeeley , MaconochiEj have given us .
Mr . Clayton , one of the authors of the Clayton-Bui wer Treaty , has delivered a speech to hi s countrymen , in which he expresses the convictio n that the people of England do not intend to go to war with the United States ; and Mr . Na . thanibl Hawthorn e , the eminent American author , now Consul at Liverpool , has been able to ascertain in
the city of London , whose hospitalities he has accepted , how true is this opinion of Mr . Clayton ' s . The true guarantee of peace between the two countries is publicity in the proceedings of the two Governments . If we do not have some rupture commenced under the cover of seeresy , there will be no rupture at all .
The deadly list of crimes is heavy this week . Some of them come before us again , as in the case of CeleStine Soaimer , convicted of murdering her illegitimate child at Islington . Tlie story of the poor child going down stairs into a strange place , addressing even her mother in terms of timid respect , with the title usually given to strangersher gradually catching at the idea that her death was intended , and being led into a cellar where she was slain—equals anything in " Bluebeard" or the dark romance of the nursery . But the newest romance is the murder of Sarah Kelly—once a maid of Kent , an innkeeper ' s daughter , who eloped with a roud—obtained a dower through a successful action for breach of promise of marriage—lost all by one of the chances of Dublin life—plunged into a wild career , and again , by that means rose to wealth , became a landed lady , and is assassinated iu the Irish fashion , by disguised men , in the presence of her nephew ! It is a wild story altogether . Some Irish customs seem to be inextinguishable .
second reading is carried by 230 to 195 . Ministers undertake to contrive a fresh oath in committee , the purpose of which will still be to abjure any but a Protestant succession , but to discontinue the abjuration of the Pbktenoeb and his successors who are entirely defunct , and the exclusion of Jews by an accidental phrase in tlio oath . So , that , at last , Rothschild may get into tho House of Commons ; not through the exertions of his noble colleague , Lord John Russell .
An attempt has been made to bring the Executive to a sense of responsibility in the matter of the National Gallery . Mr . Otwav moved to cut down the vote for that institution by ^ £ 650—the travelling expenses of Herr Otto Mundleii . Sir Charlkh East-lake has a thousand a-year for continuing that purchase of worthless pictures which was denounced by a select committee of the House of Commons . Only a special agent has been added to tbo establishment— Horv Otto
Mundlicr j and the first achievement of tho new ivud much more expensive staff ia to purchase that vory indifferent nnd more than doubtful specimen
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338 T H E L E A D E R . [ No . 316 , Saturpay ^
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), April 12, 1856, page 338, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2136/page/2/
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