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peatedUr presented ta public notice , it has not hitherto been adequately developed in any part of Great Britain . The Trades " Unions , are still sectional local , limited powers . Last week , however , an important meeting was held in Glasgow , upwarda of sixty delegates being present , from the trades of that city , of Aberdeen , Dundee ,, Ayrshire , Stirlingshire , and other districts—upwards of twenty trades being represented . It was unanimously resolved to form a federal union , with a view to put an end to the mischievous results arising to all classes of the community from the forced
idleness of the working classes , whether they " strike , " or are " locked-out" by their employers . As is remarked by Mr . Aubxandjsb Campbeuj , the immense amount of wealth consumed , and the immense amount of production prevented , during the last twentyfive years , by " locking out" and " striking , " would have sufficed to carry the legitimate objects for which the Trades Unions contend . An enormous power is deposited with the working classes ; but they never use it . They are Kke men- attempting to raise some ponderous block of stone—the burden of their
lives . One is straining at the task , while the others are at rest . The engineers are on strike and starving , while the spinners are humming in the mills . The miners are in a state of collapse , reconciled , by hunger ,, to- low wages , truck payments , false weights and measures , and despotic overseers , while the carpetweavers , perhaps , are preparing for a social ¦ war of three months' duration . That system will never prosper . They must combine their methods * of defence . They must agree and
act together . They must get rid of the fallacies that oppress them . They must work in concert , men and women , engineers and milliners , sempstresses and pitmen , because the class that , generally speaking , has placed itself in antagonism to them , without being formally organized , has discovered certain set maxims , by the enunciation of which the sympathies of the public are abated . Thus , it is their practice to object that all organizations of labour are attempts to interfere with
the laws of the social economy , with competition , with supply and demand , with the natural operation of food upon wages , and wages upon food . "Now , we know that capitalists have frequently combined to put a check upon competition .. An obvious example was the Booksellers' Association , for keeping up the trade price of books . It was established to enforce the principle that retail dealers should not be supplied with certain , commoditiea unless they sold those commodities at uniform prices determined by the wholesale dealers themselves . This is
one illustration out of many ; and , in the face of it , who has a right to deny the propriety of Trade Unions for Trade purposes r As to that deceptive , fiction , quoted by economists as the law of supply and demand , we have learned how demand may be forced and supply curtailed , by the arts of the bondholder , by holding back , by tampering with the processea of production and exchange . Wo have seen ten tons of meat destroyed to keep up
the high price of provisions in a city market ; we have discovered how far this sort of jug-§ ling is in operation ; and we detect it inuencing the trade in every species of commodity-, and when capitalists resort to these profitable artifices , some audacity is required to impugn the position of self-defence assumed Dy the working tradeB . " We are in the presence of certain facts , of which one or two suffice by way of explanation . How is it that i « m thousand needlewomen are employed in thia metropolis for fourpence-halfpenny per day—the day being from twelre to fifteen hours long ? How is
it that ten thousand , slop-women Mind or stupify themselves by working : for starvation wages ? How is it that one-fourth of the masons' trade is out of employment for three monthain the year ? That , a bitter winter may drive away dock-labourers to the workhouse —the representative of apoor-law disgraceful to our civilization ? That the working classes throughout the three kingdomsespecially those in factories and mines—are
exposed to the frauds of the truck syBtem , to false weights and measures , and prices higher than the prices of the general market ? That workshops are unhealthy , that defective steamengines are -worked to a dangerous pressure , that machinery is not fenced and guarded , that the employed classes suffer under a multitude of grievances and restrictions , and derive no benefit whatever , as a body , from the increasing prosperity of the nation ? illustra
The Bleaching Works Bill is an - tion . It has been rejected , of course , because it was a workman ' s , not a master ' s bill . Mr . Cobbett affirmed and proved that he had known young girls to be employed at times from sixteen , eighteen , even twenty hours day , in an atmosphere varying from ninety to a hundred and thirty degrees . It has been shown that they frequently work , halfnaked , in the bleaching inferno , until they are compelled to run , or are carried out , to lie down for refreshment on the cool earth . We
have no desire to use exaggerated language ; but we say , this is the tyranny of the Pharaohs : no industrial object whatever can be alleged in justification of the murderous practice . The opponents of parliamentary interference completely stultified themselves by asserting that the hours of labour in the bleaching works were less than those which Mr . Cobbett proposed to allow , and by arguing , at the same time , that such , short hours would injure the trade . He should have said " diminish the bleachers' profits ;"
whereupon we say , that to employ a growing girl in a poisonous atmosphere , for even twelve hours a day , is irreligious , inhumau , and criminal . If a majority of the employers in this trade have the work performed in the open air by well-clothed , well-fed , well-housed girls , who labour only seven hours a day , why should they object to put down the unfair and rapacious competition , of men who , by their own admission , are the scandal of their class , and who get the sama amount of work
out of half the same number of workwomen ? Admit that the bleaching of linen or calico is a peculiar process which must sometimes be carried on uninterruptedly for four-andtwenty hours . It could be done by relays . But the employer may do what he will with his own , and the girls are his own , for they enjoy neither free will nor the salutary control of their friends . The one thing needful is , to bleach the linen , and the skin of the poor workwoman is blanched to tho jpallour of death .
The working classes , who have their millions in savings banks and tho funds of friendly societies , who have their unions , their journals , their places of assomMy , can . certainly help themselves , if they have the will and the resolution . In the annual report of the National Association of United Trades of London , it is said , " Tho general result has been to maintain intact tho rights and
privileges of all tho members of the association , while so many othor trades and associations have suffered so severely in wages , hours of labour , and general treatment . " It is oven shown that the operations of this league have had n marked effect upon the condition of tho labouring class in Cheshire . That is a distinct and positiyo result . But results of incomparably greater voluo would follow from tho JPederal Union
agreement ,, and combined action of the working trades throughout the three kingdoms . The movement commenced last week in Q-lasgpw is very important .
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peerage which would enable them to place in the Upper House of the Legislature persons of such classes as were peculiarly acceptable to the official body ; and since we must look forward—at least for a time—to an alternation of Whig , or Tory , or mixed Ministries , we may suppose that the House of Lords will be recruited by Whig , Tory , or half-and-half Life Peers ; somewhat undermining tho independence of the Upper House , and rendering it more ductile to the official class . Again , it has
HALF-PAY KISHOPS . It is- a curious characteristic of the . present Ministry , which is not . a Reformed Ministry , but only one to continue the war and " to carry on her Majesty ' s Government , " should have aimed in one year at more innovations on the constitution of the present day than any other which we have had . for generations . It is . true that the changes have not been such as materially affect tho body of the people , but they have been in one peculiar direction , which it is important to note . Ministers have introduced Life Peers—that is , a sort of
been proposed to modify the position of Bishops by permitting them to resign—a total innovation on the theory and actual constitution of the episcopal office . The office , it must be understood , is in theory not conferred by the Crown , but is conveyed from Bishop to Bishop , in what is called the apostolical succession . The Crown be
permits a particular person to appointed Bishop , but he is actually " elected" by the Dean and Chapter of his diocese , as the most apostolical personage , and he becomes a successor of the apostles . Now , it is proposed by the present Government to set aside this apostolical succession ; and after a man has been , a successor of the Apostles , to unmake him , and return him into private life .
Thus , besides altering the constitution of the House of Peers by the admission of Life Peers , the present Government has undermined the Church by declaring that tho apostolical succession is subject to be set aside by the secular authority . It is not for us , of course , to dispute that official view ; but how materially it alters the position of the Church of England ; how strikingly it places that Church on an equality with any Dissenting body in the country !
! Nor can it be said that these changes arc without practical consequences ; quite tho reverse ! The life-peerage innovation could of course only bo worked out by degrees ; but it would most decidedly tend to bring the hereditary notables of the country more under the control of the bureaux . Tho new plan would also tend to place tho Church more under the control of tho Executive . Tho last point is important , not only from its spiritual bearing , which must ' not go for
nought , but for its political and social bearing . If a Bishop is getting old , and finds tho exercise of hia duties irksome , ho will be able to retire to leisure and a pension . So far good ! Wo seo no reason against tho arrangement . It is very proper that public servants should retire upon pensions , and a mean policy in such matters is never more for the real interest of states thau of individuals . But let us ohservo how thia will work with referonco to tho Executive . The
clergy of the country aro a species of missionaries preaching respect for tho powers that ho—most usually in a reactionary sonso . It is in this that tho official clergy of tho English Church differ from tho Dissenting clergy . Their solo ground of superiority over Dissenting clergy baa consisted iu tho
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ggg r pa ^ LEA 1 > B IL [ No . 3 aQ » 8 AiTOJDAYa
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), July 19, 1856, page 686, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2150/page/14/
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