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KOSSUTII ON" THE ITALIAN QUESTION"
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¦ of the United States -would make it a money question , and bay the freedom of their slaves . " Mr . Hadfield concluded by a -warning against secret diplomacy and foreign meddling , leading to -war , and by exhorting Englishmen to attend to their internal affairs , develop their trade , and maintain peace . —Se-veral questions and answers followed , in the course of which both Mr . Hadfield and Mr . Roebuck said they had no idea what -we ¦ were going to war with . Persia about . Mr . Roebuck then rose . He said he dissented from his friend Mr . Hadfield's view of non-intervention ; yet , in one sense , he too Was an advocate of that principle . He continued : — "I don't want England to be eternally meddling in the quarrels of Europe . I ' want her to
consider her own interests , for those interests happen , to be the interests of mankind . But she has a mighty pOweT to "wield and a great destiny to fulfil . She cannot move without the world feeling that she moves . If she moves in error , woe to mankind ; if she moves in the right path , glory be to her , and happiness to the people who constitute her whole population . I believe we ought not to interfere in the internal affairs of other nations ; but while we abstain we must see that nobody else does so interfere . ( Cheers . * ) I beg of you to remember that we are at the head of the great Liberal party of the world . Despots banded together may oppress humanity , and therefore we have the duty to see that humanity is not oppressed . Therefore I say that
England should , if she can , ally herself against the despots of Europe—against the despotisms which oppress humanity . I will illustrate this . You saw the Hungarians rise up against that monster despotism of Austria ; you saw a gallant people making a gallant fight . You saw that people conquering the Austrians ; but you saw that other fearful despotism of Europe and of the world—Russia—march in her hired hordes and put down that gallant people . "Where was England then ? ( Loud cheers } She stood by and saw the iron heel of despotism crushing out the heart of that people . I say , if we had stood by and had seen the iron heel Of Russia put upon Turkey , that we should have reiterated the fault committed when we allowed Hungary
to be put down . ( Cheers . ) I sided on that occasion With the wise and , as I believed , the benevolent object Of putting our hand upon the mane of the great bear of Europe . No , L made a mistake . Zoologically , a bear has no mane ; but we put our hand on its neck . ( Cheers . ) In siding with that object , I believed I was endeavouring to make England fulfil her great destiny . And , just as I mourned over the gallant Hungarians—and 1 must Say , the gallant Au 3 trians , too—and as I should have mourned over the Piedmontese if they had been oppressed by the Austrians—as I should mourn over the Belgians if they were oppressed by France—so I should have mourned if Turkey had been oppressed by Russia . It was , then , in furtherance of this great principle of
noii-interference , not the non-interference of England alone , but « C everybody else , that I acted . ( Cheers . ) Austria , Russia , ana Prussia can , if they please , unite ; and shall England stand by and » co them swallow up , bit by bit , every particle of freodom in Europe ? Is that her duty ? That is not my idea of what her duty is . ( Cheers . ) I know that there is a part of mankind who believe that the only religion upon earth is the worship of tlie almighty dollar . ( Cheers . ') I do not . I am not of that opinion . I believe that , for the good of mankind , good men ought to unite when bad men combine . ( Cheers . ) Therefore I say , I united with that pnrty which proclaimed war with Russia . I was in the House of Commons upon that Solemn occasion when the message of the Queen was brought down to us in the House which told us that we
Mr . Roebuck said that no one could vahre more highly than he the existence of good feeling tetween ourselves and our trans-Atlantic kinsmen ; but that even with the United States he would go to war if they did us an injustice , or if their ' Filibustering' spirit led them to attack foreign nations . A war between the two countries would be almost the greatest calamity that the world could suffer ; "but , " added Mr . Roebuck , " rather than see America oppress mankind , I would oppose herj and oppose her to the death . ( Loud cheers . ') He would not interfere One iota in her internal affairs , but he looked with great sottow on them : however , he would not express in public his opinion on that matter . He agreed with Mr . Hadfield in
denouncing secret diplomacy , and lie thought ire ought not " to plant hired and salaried spies in every Court in Europe , and call them Ambassadors : " he would rather we should adopt the plan pursued by Franklin , who said he deceived everybody by telling the truth . Adverting to domestic matters , Mr . Roebuck said he ¦ was opposed to all state endowments of religion ; but , unlike Mr . Hadfield , he would oppose that" greatest ecclesiastical enormity in the world , " as Mr . Grote had called it—viz ., the Established Church in Ireland—¦ rather than the petty Maynooth grant to the Roman Catholics . He should prefer to endov ? no religion ; but , if he endowed any , he would endow all . Therefore , he should persist in voting for Maynooth till the Irish
Established Church was put down ; and then , he would vote against Maynooth . With respect to education , he wished to see it encouraged by the State ; for he would Tather educate men to good than punish them for being bad . He was opposed to a Maine Liquor Lair . Such a law would have no effect ; but drunkenness would in time disappear before the extension of knowledge and good taste . It had already disappeared in . the upper classes . A very different state of things existed in the days of our fathers and grandfathers . " Then the door was locked , so that everybody might be put under the table by intoxjeation . Then it was thought a very fine thing to wheel away those gentlemen who had made themselves—I was going to libel the poor brutes ,
who never get drunk ( laughter)—vrto put an enemy into their mouths -which stole away their brainswho by lying down upon the floor showed their tpt ' al inability to stand upon their feet . They were wheeled away in "wheelbarrows . Now , that was in the time of our good old grandfathers . We have improved upon that state of things . I can say that , in all society , since I have been a grown man , I never have seen a . really drunken man in a well regulated house . ( Hear , 7 iear . ) I have , indeed , in passing along the streets , seen men—ay , and a more degrading thing , top—I have
seen women reeling from one side of the street to the other . But it is a mark now that a man is not a gentleman if he gets drunk . ( Hear , hear . ^) I could w to see some feeling of dignity pervade "working men when they see one of their order—for an order I call it , and a very dignified order—when they see one of their order reeling home or in the street ? , and perhaps his wretched wife reeling after him ; they should turn aside with sorrow and degradation in their hearts to find one of themselves so thoroughly degraded . ( Cheers . ) Once inspire the working classes with that idea , and you will want no Maine Liquor Law . " Again thanking his constituents for their kindness , Mr . Roebuck sat down amidst much applause
were at war with Russia . I felt great sorrow ; for war , as my lion , friend has said , is a great calamity to mankind . I felt great sorrow that there was any man among the millions on the earth who could for some paltry , petty object , inflict that great calamity upon the rest of the world . 15 ut tho blame was with the Russian despot—not with us . " He proceeded to say , however , that , though he " lamented as much as anyone that there should bo such an nninial on the earth as KingBombu , " ho did not think we should be justified in interfering by arms between him an < l his subjects . If any other power interfered , wo could then step in . "We have been the friends of freedom , of good government , of humanity ; but if we had narrowed our minds to the consideration simply of making money , of spinning cotton , of hammering iron , and weaving cloth , I think we should have beon a despicable people—nut Enalaiul filled by Englishmen .
( Cheers . ) Upon this point my Imn . friend and myself differ . I don ' t know , whether ho will take tlio interpretatioa I havo given you of non-interference ; but sure 1 urn that wo shall bo called upon to wake this application very Boon , for I believe thut the world is now upon the eve of great events . Wo live in great times . Tulle about tho apathy of the English people ! There is no apath y in tho people of England . 1 suw them rise as ° no man in support of tho war . ( Cheers , ) I saw them nso us ono man in support of that gallant army we sent abroad . We welcomed them back—ny , with those heartfelt thanks which such men worthily deserved at our hands . Wo are in a position bo acncl forth our sons on a glorious mission , for no man will interfere with us When wo fulfil our destiny , and do not let any of our sons diagraco England so far as to make her « n abettor of oppression in any part of the world . " ( Cheers . ) Passing on to tlie question of our relations with America ,
Kossutii On" The Italian Question"
sonal , and he would now proceed to his text , —the affairs ofthe Italian peninsula—that country ao great and glorious in its natural advantages , its beautiful features , and its historic associations , yet so degraded in its present condition , under those Macbetha who had risen to power over ' murdered nations , ' and by ' Trholesale massacres . ' But the Ghost of Banquo was rising again , and « will not die , whatever they may do . ' The present commotion in Italy Was not one of those movements which , arising from mere misgovernment , from , incidental sufferings , or other particular causes of excitement , might be put an end to by timely concession , by ameliorations , or possibly by temporizing ; On the contrary , it arose distinctly from
the sentiment of nationality . It was a struggle for verylife , and its essence was a determined hatred of foreign dominion . Statesmen who did not comprehend the movement had acted the part of mere misericordiatn friars , or political Mrs . Partingtons , and they had proposed concessions as a remedy , but concessions were insufficient to heal the wounds of Italy . Italy was a nation , and its annals were engraved on the granite of mankind ' s immortality . Civilization , Christianity , the arts and sciences , all must depart from the earth ; the printing-press must be forgotten , and the alphabet perish ; and the peoples of Europe and America must be overwhelmed by another deluge , before Italy could
cease to remember hei history . And the people who had such a history numbered 94 , 000 , 000 , all speaking one language , and inhabiting a country which wa 3 fitted by the ^ nger of the Eternal to be the home of that same nation . Yet the Italian nation stood degraded , as Prince Metternich said , a geographical denomination without any national organization . But until the question of Italian regeneration -was settled there could be no chance for Poland or for Hungary , and , in the words of Mr . Roebuck , ' Italy , Hungary , and Poland , ' must be the watchword and forerunner of real freedom and good government in Europe . Italy desired to be recognized as a nation , and would never be at rest till the domination of
strangers was overthrown . Protocols would not drive out the stranger from Italy ; diplomacy would not effect the independence of the Italians ; nothing short of a successful popular rising could achieve their emancipation . ( Loud cheers . ) The British people were practical , and , if ; there im . no probability of success for such a rising , they would not be justified , by -word or deed , in encouraging what would , under those circumstances , be a wanton and useless effusion of blood . But those "who argued that there -was no such prospect were utterly mistaken , or they purposely misrepresented all the facts of the case , both past and present . It had been alleged , for instance , that the state of things in . 1848 was more favourable to the Italian movement than were the
circumstances ofthe present ; that , such , being the case , encouragement to tlie Italians was useless and cruel ; that the Italians themselves were not sufficiently animated by the love of freedom ; and that the foreign relations of Italy , as well as her internal condition , were less hopeful than at the former period . So far was all this from the actual truth , that it was an absolute falsification of history . The authentic facts of the late Italian struggle were enough of themselves to repel the imputations as to the character of tliat noble nation ; and although , as was urged , Louis Napoleon might be opposed to an Italian rising now , so was Louis Philippe in 1848 . Napoleon might ; have a good understanding with Austria , but Louis Philippe was actually plotting- with Austria . It was not
the French revolution of 1848 which gave the impulse for the movement in Italy , for the latter was already 5 n full , career when tho former had not yet begun . At that period Austria , being preoccupied by tlie danger of losing her Italian possessions , made inquiry of the then ^ French Minister of Foreign Affairs wbat value ¦ wss'Tntonded to be given to the treaty of 1815 . That Minister doclared , as late as January , 1848 , that France meant to aid in making that treaty Tespected by all the world . The British Blue-books proved also that the Government of Louis Philipne was plotting with AuBtria for a combined intervention against tho Italian movement . The Government of Lamartinc , moreover , plodged France to respect the treaties of the Holy Alliance , assuring despotic emperors that they liad nothing to fear and tho nations nothing to liopo . Tho manifesto of Lamartine was a marvel of humbug and of blustering nonsense . Ihen
, again , Lord Palmerston could be quoted to show that he also considered the integrity of tho Austrian Empire a matter of importance . The British Government , too , approved the French intervention for the restoration of the Pope , the olyect of whioh intervention was to bring about an improved form of government . Ab if PopjflB could bo improved ! ( Lawjhler . ) The Papal Government was tho woret of all Governments , and could never bo improved , whatever reforms might be introduced in those systems of rule which "wore based on conquest , on hereditary light , or election . Considering all things , it was evident that the prospects of the Italian movement wero leas favourable in 1848 than they wero at present , whether > vc regar < lod tho foreign relations of Italy , her power of resistance ) , or her internal condi Won . When the former struggle commenced in Italy no man could have thought ji French rovolution imminent ; but now no roa . sonnblo man conld doubt that the French people would Boon awaken from their torpor of national degradation . An offectivo Italian lnovernont might prove a trumpot sound to awakou 1 'rauco ; and as for England ,
KOSSUTII QN THE ITALIAN QUESTION . M . Kossurn delivered the first of Ms three promised lectures in the Free Trade-hall , Manchester , oil Tuesday evening . The audience numbered between 3000 and 4 . 000 persons , including a large number of ladies . M . Kossuth , who had been receivod with deafening cheers on his entrance , was ngaiu greeted with prolonged demonstrations of applause on rising to speak . Wlien these had subsided , ho commenced by remarking that " Ho had not expected to hear that evening the martial tunes of his own native land , and for such ft noble delicacy ho must oxpress his most aiFectionate thanks . It was impossible for any one present to realize tho full strength of the storm of soul-stirring emotions which those tunes could not fail to arouse
in a Hungarian breast . He would not try to compass those emotions in words , for , though small emotions might chatter , deep feelings wcro best mute . Those tunes were the music and poetry of the national sentiment of the Hungarian people , and wore fraught - \ yith such recollections of tho struggle for Hungarian freedom as made tho heart of tho meanest Magyar swell with a holy determination to cast oft * tho hated yoke of Austria . In those tunea ho ( M . Kossuth ) heard bin countrymen , past and present , calling on him to bo faithful to tlie cause of Hungary , and , by God ' s help , so ho would . ( Cheers . )
Ho trusted to tho Almighty for tho issue , and ho accepted -that music as nt once a . warniug and a happy onion of the future . This day , just live years ago , he visited Manchester an exile , and ho -wna nn exile still . Five years ! It wns a long time to HuU ' cr . ( Hear , hear . ) Hut , heavy as was tho bunion of protracted adversity , it wan a great consolation to bo able to say , as ho could with truth say at Manchester , that tliose who wcro kind to him live years ago had not turned their bucks on tho poor exilo in his Kullerings . ( Cheers , ') But it was not lilting that ho should waste the time with matters per-
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November 15 , 1856 . ] THE LEADER . 1083
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 15, 1856, page 1083, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2167/page/3/
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