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    opinions from all aorta of men . by the unostentatious moderation of hia demeanour . No spark of vanity , no theatrical passion , guve a meretricious glow to the energy of his patriotic efforts .. He failed , and the Venetians failed Witt Him ; but not until all the civilized world had heartily vvished success to him and them , and yraised the admirable audacity of tlie . piti ^ eiis encompassed by hostile forces so overwhelming . Towards the close of the year 1849 , Mawin left the scene of his heroic and

    naagnaninioTis labours and went to reside in Paris . There lie retired into the shade , and so unaffected was the modesty of his life that , in 1854 , desirous of learning how this noble exile bore his own sufferings , and those of his country , \ ve ; were compelled to inquire publicly whither he had retreated . The answer came . " Tfeli the Leader" said Manin , " that lam giving lessons in Italian . I am awaiting a favourable opportunity for

    recommencing the struggle . " Thus he remained until thie time of his death , calmly anticipating a new national movement which , in one form or another , would deliver Italy from her cardinal curse , the domination of foreigners . He felt it his duty to labour towards this end , irrespectively of all sectarian views . He would liave Italy frete , and leave her to work out , according to her own desires , the institutions of freedom . Republican at heart , he offered no rancorous opposition to Constitutionalism bo- long as it was faithful to the Italian cause . Among Italians of all degrees , therefore , orally and in . writing , he perpetually preached

    the doctrine that they should rally round a common flag , consolidate themselves into one national party , direct their efforts towards the independence and union of Italy , concede their personal crotchets , insist upon nothing that would retard the general progress , and oppose nothing that would aid it . He saw dissension in Piedmont ; conspiracy and despotism in Naples ; corruption , sycophancy , and suffering in Rome ; an iron , arbitrary Government in JJombardo-Venetia , and he said , " These evils result from foreign domination ; we Italians should make it our

    first object to destroy that domination . Afterwards "we may determine , upon a form of future self-government . " And he was right , we think . His creed -was Italy for the Italians—not Italy for Piedmont , Italy for Mawin , or Italy for MXzzitn :. The policy was national and practical , and it was not Manin ' s least service to the Italians that he enunciated this lofty , unselfish , unsectarian view . That he helie ved in it we know ; that he made many converts we know also ; and we confidently hope that , although he has descended into the grave ,- his maxims and his example will remain the Byhvbol and the beaeon of a party . This , moreover , is certain , that the Austrian . 8 feared Manin at least as much as any other of the . Italian revolutionary leaders . They knew him to be a man poworful in his moderation ; profoundly acquainted with the Italian , character , resolute , incorruptible , j > opulax— -exactly the chief whom , » t another insurrectionary crisis , "Venice would summon to preside over heir councils and to animate her patribtic army . The illustrious exile is dead ; the last ? , year of hia life was passed in the shadow of bereavement ; the Venetiaus have lost their great-hearted leader ; but we repeat , he has left a voice , a doctrine , and an inestimable . example .

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    MR . TYLER ON THE SLAVE TRADE . Ii ^ ai ^ a Conimon idea in this country , that American statesmen who refuse to agree with the anti-slavery movement , are themselves the ; , advocates of slavery in the abstract , and iire deairoua of even extending that

    institution . The English democrat is revolted by so gross ail inconsistency . As&titfiing that in literal terms the IN " egro is the equal with the White , he demands for him , under an ^ cixc-umstanees , an equal suffrage ; and considers the institution of slavery as an act of despotism equivalent to any act of XioiJis Nap ' oieon " , of Chables IX ., or of -FBAjrbiA . ' Such of our countrymen overlook the circumstances of the United States , and are actually ignorant of the real opinion and conduct of their public men . The inconsistency' of slavery in a repuhlic struck the first founders of the

    federation , and some of them had an idea of abolishing the institution . They found that it was too strongly rooted to be extirpated in an instant , and they necessarily compromised . Slavery had been established in the United States by Great Britain , who had , in fact , forced the institution upon the Americans . The immediate question in "WashrsrQTON * s day was , how to maintain those

    principles of the British Constitution which the unhappy King of the ^ se countries was "violating on the other si 3 e of the Atlantic ; for be it remembered that the United States severed themselves from the English Monarchy iu an act of conservative fidelity to the principles of the "British Constitution , which they retain to this day less altered from its original type than we do . Not only were numerous classes who assisted in that

    defence of the Constitution against the tyranny of the English King dependent upon property which could Only be Worked by slave labour , but -whole states were in the same condition , and it wa 8 of course absolutely impossible to accomplish so serious a revolution and at the same time accompany it by an act of confiscation . The necessity which bad pressed upon them clenched the institution in the federal republic ; but it maybe safely said that , ever since , the most elevated

    and conservative , as well as the most active and progressive , of American statesmen have been devoting their earnest reflection to the means of mitigating the great inconsistency . We who have systematically combated the fallacious notion of slavery abolition have as faithfully pointed out the fact that , if shielded from any hostile moral invasion of that kind , public opinion in the South is quite capable of grappling with the domestic difficulty and curing it .

    We have before us two documents which prove the firmness , the elevated stubbornness of American statesmen on this subject . At a recent commercial convention in Knoxville , a farmer member declared that a provision in the treaty of Washington , concluded during the administration of President Tyleb , was an act of discourtesy and an insult to the South , and on that ground he called for its abrogation . The declaration seems to ha \ o met

    with the countenance of a , large majority of the convention j and the circumstance draws out ~ M . r , JoKN TYLteit in person , to exp | aiu how the stipulation was accepted b y liis Government , and to remind these impatient citizens of the SoutU how the republic Brands . Hib reply to the agitators of Knoxville-confirms all that wo hiivto aaicl with reference to opinion In / the South , if the Spu $ ']> o left alone : — ' '" ' '¦ '' ¦' ' ¦ ' '• •

    " Who , in V 8-42 , even dreamed that there Would bo , aa early its 11357 , ft proposition seriously made to revive the slave-trada ? I certainly entertained no such idea ; nor did , I am quite Burc , any one of the al > le and patriotic statesmen who wqre my constitutional advisers . I really thought and of ton declared , that the Bouthern states were more opposed to the slave-trade titan any other porti 6 n of our people They had voted with singular unanimity for the act of Congress -which declared that aUcitizepaof the United States engaging in that trade should bo regarded , and if convicted punished , as piratea . How it happens , then , that a provision introduced into a tronty to enforce a law for which the South had voted can be rightfully regarded aa on insult to tho

    South I must say passes iny" comprehension . Certainly such an idea nevei entered my head or "heart . " In vindication of his conduct Mr . Tyhsb recites how the British Government , in virtue of treaties with various , other countries , insisted upon the right of visiting foreign vessels on the coast of Africa to ascertain the true nationalit y of the ships . Mr . Stevenson , then Minister at London , remonstrated ; General Oass , then Minister at Paris , put forth an able pamphlet ; Mr . Tyleu himself firmly stood his ground against the claim , and the two Governments were fairly antagonized .

    Great Britain urged , and urged with truth , that no insult was intended to the American flag ; but that without a visit it was impossible to ascertain the genuine character of the nationality of the ship ; for a French , Portuguese , or Spanish veBsel might shield itself from search and capture , by simply hoisting a fraudulent bunting . The American Government insisted upon dealing with such fraud by its own action . The question arose be to one of proximate hostility between the two countries , until at last Lord Ashburtoit was sent over to "Washington to negociate . The American Government now took the

    only step which would really substantiate its claim to deal with fraudulent foreig a vessels itself : Mr . Tyler says : — " I then suggested ,, by way of discharging this duty on my part , that we should keep upon the African coast a naval armament sufficiently great to visit all ships that might hoiit the United States flag and fall under suspicion ,, bat that we could not permit another nation , to do so . Upon this basis the stipulation in the treaty has , in my mind , always rested . Certain it is that , for tlie after-time of my service , no visit , much less search , of an American vessel occurred on the part of a British cruiser . What has taken place since I w 5 U not undertake to say .

    " I have nothing to do with wiiat the Government of this country may deem it proper to do in regard to that stipulation ; but this I will venture to say , that , repeal when it pleases that provision of tfie treaty , it will still find it necessary , for the enforcement of the laws of the United States , as well as for the protection of the traffic of merchant vessels on that coast—a traffic every year increasing in value , and destined in the end to be of vast magnitude—to maintain a fleet of at least eighty guns on the coast of Africa . It might be worthy of consideration by the next commercial convention whether , before they advise the cancelling of the provision , in question , and denounce it as an insult to the South , they should not first repeal the law relative to piracy in regard to the slave-trade . "

    The subject is peculiarly interesting at the present moment , when a slavery question has arisen between England and the United States . The Panchita , of New York , was seized in Pontade Senha , on the west coast of Africa , on the 9 tli May laafc ; the capturing vessel was her Majesty ' s sloop Sappho , Commander Fairfax M . obe 8 BY , who suspected the Panchita of being engaged in the slave trade ; and he sent it to N ~ ew York in chargo of a lieutenant of the British navy , to be delivered over to the American authorities

    there . Ou reaching her destination she was handed over to the United States Marshal for the District ; and tlie British officers were subsequently arrested by tho owners for illegal seizure of the . vessel , but were discharged . She , was libelled in the Admiralt y-Court as a slaver , and that suit is still undecided . The seizure , was , a violation of tho United States flag . Tho British Government long since conceded the principle which tho American Government is , now called upon to sustain . ; , ; Our readers will observe that while

    President Triastt—and he ia a fair representative of the statesmanship of America—on his par t is peremptorily resisting tho notion excited in the South , hy Abolitionist antagonisms , ol reviving the slave-trade , . tho American Government is called on to repel the attempt ot a foreign power to execute its own policolaws on tho ocean . America desires to amend her own institutions ; tho guardians

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• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 3, 1857, page 952, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2212/page/16/