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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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say 10 , 000 , 000 ? . at the rery least—lOd . in the pound of Income-tax . "Who is to pay ? This is a question , that has already worried some of our country men , and suggestions have been made for shifting off the burden upon any shoulders rather than our own . The first idea naturally is , that those who have created the disturbance should be made to pay the damages ; just as the man who is convicted under an indictment should pay the costs of the action . But here an unfortunate difficulty arises . The defendant himself is insolvent . Not only have the 70 , 000 mutineers been , disbanded and turned out of
employment—a very unlucky preliminary towards any payments of lO , O 0 O , O 00 Z . or so ; but in most cases they have been deprived of some property besides . No small portion of the force consisted of small landholders , or the relatives of small landowners , and the total ront and ruin to -vrliich the whole body has been put must have dissipated the resources of the men , aiid in some cases of their families . It may be justice to make them pay ; but by what court could damages be enforced on such a defendant F
The next idea was to make the disturbed districts pay—holding the community answerable tor its disorderly characters . This is an Anglo-Saxon notion , and it is perfectly applicable to Anglo-Saxon communities . Nay , in effect it applies to all communities ; for even , in India the mutineers have drawn ruin , carnage ^ and destructioa upon their country . But -we are talking of justice , we are talking of deliberate proceedings in the name of equity ; and since we may consider that the greater part of the traitors and their
immediate connexions are unable to pay towards the penal tribute , the espense must fall precisely upon those who are not guilty . Independently of justice , where is the policy of such , a course ? "Where is the wisdom of telling the Hindoo , by one of the most practical arguments which can reach the Hindoo mind—for the race is clever at accountsthat it may be dangerous to play the traitor , but that the man , who is loyal shall pay the fine ? Shall faith in allegiance to the British Queen bring no adequate advantage to the Native ?
_ The next idea was still based upon the notion of making India pay , and inauspicious hints have been levelled at the ' rich Baboos . ' This also is a European idea . It has been chiefly illustrated in this country by the Norman Kings , who distributed their taxation according to the combined proportion of riches and helplessness ia the tax-payer . The Baboos at whom the hint is principally levelled are not the armed KajahB and Zemindars , who might have something to say upon
the subject , but the commercial gentry living in Calcutta , and especially in Bombay . Now this is peculiarly preposterous . If it prove difficult to levy money from the districts that have been disloyal , which certainly it would do ; and if the Government in ita wisdom should think fit to reward the Native Princes , ^ Rajahs , and Zemindars who have been loyal to us , which also they talk of doing ; and if there are- suspicions that some of the loyal Mahratta chiefs may be reinstated in something like independence—where would be
, the justice , the policy , or the common sense of imposing a fine for armed treachery in Oude and Agra , upon merchants and civilians in Bombay , who have had as little to do with the outbreak aa tho gentlemen transacting business in Broad-street or Lombard-street ? In fact , the notion of making India pay , in the eenee of imposing upon the community tbe penalty for its defaulters , does not hold good . "We have taken from India tho power of government , and have thus deprived the community of taut control over its own
members which is the complement to the respon- ? sibility for the behaviour of the individuals . If any people is answerable for the default of the Indian mutineers , it is ourselvesthe English people—who have taken from , them the power of government , and , to our detriment and theirs , have reposed it in the hands of incompetent men , or of officers ill organized for the purpose . If we Bhould have to pay for the cost of the Indian war , the penalty would unquestionably fall upon the right defaulters .
But there is another mode in which India might be made to pay for its own mutiny , and one which would be equally consistent with policy and justice . The whole question of India has been thrown open by this failure alike on the part of its people and its Government . The last revision of the Company ' s Charter introduced great improvements , or rather diminished enormous abuses ; but it still left thelargesfc and most practical impro vement s as questions of the future . The condition of
the people has , in many respects , been bettered , and tlie progress is still going on ; but much is yet to be done before the people of India can make out of the soil of India all that it will yield . Here again we are responsible , inasmuch as ; we hold the power of government in our hands ; and the " penalty imposed upon us for the failure of our administration through the Indian mutiny is a proper penalty for neglecting pur duty both to the Indians and to ourselves . The
expense of the war must be paid by India , but it must be through a better government , by processes which will compensate the loyal Hindoos as well as ourselves . It is the business of the House of Commons to call upon Ministers to show how they intend , to begin this process of repayment , and why it should not be carried out with speed .
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THE WINTER ATND ITS SOCIAL CLOUDS . Scarcest a day has passed during the week without adding to tho list of important bankruptcies and suspensions . The amounts involved range from a few thousand pounds up to millions . The difficulty of realizing assets , consequent particularly on the state of monetary affairs in America , is the leading cause of these embarrassments ; and , unfortunately , there is every prospect that , for some time to come , this lamentable state of things will go on : among ; the most notable of those who
have recently suspended payment , are houses like that of Messrs . Pitch and Skeet , liabilities about 55 , OOOZ . ; Drapeb , Pietkokt , and Co ., trading chiefly with Italy and ltussia , liabilities estimated at 30 O , O 00 Z . ; Sieveking and Son , in tho Swedish trade , liabilities upwards of 400 , 000 / . ; G-omiisen , Huffel , and Co ., 600 , 0002 . ; Messrs . JSrtocxives : ley and Wessels , liabilities something under 100 , 000 ? . ; and others whom it would infringe the law of libel to mention , though their condition is notorious .
But if trade stops , manufactures must < lo the like ; and some have already been dreadfully pressed by the high price of the raw material . Accordingly the state of trade in the manufacturing towns , though not such as to warrant present alarm , is decidedly bnd . Manchester and Birmingham , in the almost total absence of foreign trade , aro kept from standstill by home orders . The worst accounts
come from . Coventry , Nottingham , Leeds , and Halifax , whence we hear of mills working short time , half time , or , worst of all , no time at nil—wholly stopping . In Ireland , manufacturing distress is begiritring to bo severely felt , and eomo cases of riot have occurred in consequence of tho closing of mills . But we cannot take a bettor exainplo than that of Preston . J $ rom tho number of operatives partially
about the town . Should some fortunate change of circumstances not soon take place the soup-kitchen and tho scanty out-door relief of the Board of G-uardians are the only resources which these thousands will have to depend on for existence . There is , however a brighter trait in tho present state of the town ; one of the largest mills , that of Messrs . HoBitocKSES , Miller , and Co ., employing over 3000 hands , has begun to work forty hours per week . It is to be hoped that this amelioration lias been the result of causes
deprived of work , the Board of Guardians has found great difficulty in providing employment - for . ' , those who claim relief . In th 0 workhouse of the parish there were , last week one thousand and six inmates , and four t ' houl sand five hundred persons were receiving outdoor relief . And worse is yet to be appreT hended . Several mills , employing in the aggregate a large number of hands , have been working nearly full time , and now they are dailyexpected to adopt short time . i > Oni an early hour in the afternoon , crowds of able workmen are seen wandering listlessly
which may beneficially ail ' ect other large millowners , and enable them to increase their hours of work . But partial reaction scarcely j ustifies the hope of general improvement . It is well known that the series of bankruptcies cannot stop where it is ; America may have done her worst , but she lias not yet done her all ; and embarrassment must spread . The rich have obliged Government to suspend the ; laws , in order that they may have
' accommodation , ' -, and-not give up their large fortunes and line houses , althcugh they are bankrupt . The able-bodied poor thrown out of work are distinctly told that ihey must not break the law , but must-try . ¦ ¦ to- 'help themselves ; their ability to do so Joeing tried by the lawful ' tests . ' But some really intelligent and humane persons have struck out a solace for the unemployed during the tedious , dreary hours of forced and hungry idleness this Winter . Tlic late Duke of NOREOI / K
used to be roasted for recommending to the hungry labourers of the rural districts , as a stay and ' comfort , curry -powder .. In accordance with the march of intellect the philanthropists of the town have struck out their new comfort for the liunsrv— lectures ! . '
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SIR WILLIAM GORE OUSELEi"S MISSION . Lord Napieii ' s idea of co-operation with America is being developed into a policy . Sir William GoitE Ouse-ley-goes to Central America almost as the virtual representative of the two Governments . That is to say , he understands and respects the motives of both . And since his instructions ore written in this spirit , it is scarcely to bo doubted that Great Britain and the United
States will agreo upon tho principles ol a common diplomacy to be adopted in the important central provinces of tho Now World continent . Sir Wir . LiA . Ar Ouseltsi ' s duties , as defined for him by the Cabinet at home , are special ; but ho is probably charged , ia a more general sense , to return , if possible , with tho announcement that thero ia no Central American question remaining . After tho failures we have witnessed room
must bo left for an unfortunate contingency , especially as the Now Granada Government has hitherto evinced a disposition to bo contumelious . But there are circumstances attending tho Ouseley Mission which point to tho probabilities of its succoss . Tho Envoy is intimate with tho American people nnd President . Ho takes with him no OKI dominion prido ; he is personally trusted by Mr . Buchanan ; ho has family relations with tho United States ; and , before- proceeding to Contrnl America , lie will mnlco a stay at Washington . Thonco , it may bo assumed , he
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1118 THE LEADER . [ No . 400 , November 21 , 1857
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 21, 1857, page 1118, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2218/page/14/
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