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    e island of Ruatan , and , In order to maintain that sition , would have had no scruple m giving such structioiis to British officers as would have ended rhaps in the sinking of an American ship or two , course with the result of putting the wnole Union a blaze , and bringing about war bet ween-the two untries . The ' American Government is more pular than our own , and is in the habit of making more direct and prompt reference to public inion , and this affords a great check to official smanagement on that side . There was a serious mce of war on that occasion ; it was prevented jlusivelv bv the earnest appeal which some active

    Lividuals succeeded in-making to the justice , the nmon sense , and the material interests of omit countrymen ; and as soon as the true merits the case were understood in England , the notion war about such an absurd claim was seen to be criminal as it was ridiculous , and our Governnt gave way perforce . But , popular as it may be , the American Governnt is not exempt from human error '; and great as ! progress has been , especially within the last ir , of settling difficulties by an appeal to fact 1 international law , we are not to assume that all

    Dunds of misunderstanding have entirely passed ay . On the contrary , we have already noticed the tailless of Enslish politicians ^ who have had their > resentatives in her Majesty ' Cabinet , to assume ! worst constructions of American proceedings , e Americans , themselves are hasty and at least as ale as the English to rush into false concluns . It is quite possible that the very disputes ich have been settled may be repeated ; if we ume the probability that such will be the case , are not putting false constructions upon the tives or actions of the Americans , we are simply culating upon a probability which exists in the has been

    ts . The right of search question tied between the two Governments ; the official lvention determines the basis upon which , the nmanders on the two sides shall act ; and as soon the diplomatic agreement is formally ratified it iomes law ; but although the law be promulgated tVestminster and Washington , it is not instantly I by magic made known to ship captains floating the high seas , sometimes in obscure places where wlaiid Hill carries no cheap postage . We may re fore hear of cases in which - English commans have broken the law , —have insulted the lerican flag in the face of recent stipulations , n after the agreements have been signed and led in the White House or in Downing-street .

    j can understand the ferocious indignation m irleston or New York , the brawling clamour for isfaction from the English Government , in obpn of the fact that satisfaction has already been dered , and that any of these cases which will [ uestionably accrue fall within the arrangement sady made . While , however , we anticipate these knees of American temper , precisely correspondto the errors of British Feeling , we have some und for presuming that the present Governlts of the two countries will , . with equal firms and equal calmness , refuse to be carried away the vulgar impatience in putting bad constructs . In this case , therefore , there is not the same ger as usual ; nevertheless , it is proper that the ilic on both sides should watch the conduct of representatives , for it is the public which has greatest interest at stake .

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    NFLICTING NOTIONS ABOUT REFORM , every public meeting that takes place throughtlio country anticipations of some sort are exsscd regarding tho forthcoming measure of form . Mr . Dalglish tells his constituents at sgow that ho expects nothing worth having n the Derby Cabinet in the way of electoral nge , because if anything really good were procd , the rank and lilc ot ministerial supporters lid bo certain to rebel , and leave their loaders in lurch . Mr . Puller , on tho contrary , tells tho ncrs of Hertfordshire that he is confident the

    while another member of administration takes particular pains to correct the impression that his colleague meant to convey any opinion of the kind . Tor ourselves we nowise marvel at this incongruity of sentiment among dodging politicians . Mr . Henley , who wanted to do away the belief in his being one of " the Lumber Troop , of " the" present Government , evidently thought it would . be

    prudent to try and get the name of a contingent reformer , and thus to break his fall iiito Liberalism , in case of need , next Easter . Lord Salisbury , on the contrary , having to keep in hand the downright incurables and unpersuadables of the House of Lords , thought he would do the knowing thing by questioning the correctness of Mr . Henley ' s reported words , or at least taking exception to Hifiir nnrnort and drift . Mr . Salomons , having to

    fight a Whig in Conservative clothing at Greenwich , deems it adroit to play fast and loose with the ballot , in order that he may be in a condition to canvass Tory electors with a little grace ; and Mr . Miller , who is not ashamed of his having voted for the atrocious Conspiracy Bill , and who is obviously preparing to back his patrons , the Palmcrstonians , in any factious move they may make against Reform , begins already to special-plead about the ballot befng a sine qua non , because he well knows that neither Lord Derby nor any other Lord who is likely to be Prime Minister next year , will ever make that an ingredient of the coming measure .

    Well , and what then ? The inference-we draw from all these shiftings and shirkings is this , that a profound apprehension of difficulty and danger is coming over the minds of our professed politicians of every degree ; and that if the people only choose to avail themselves of the opportunity , there is no saying how much in the shape of progress they may wring from their selfish fears . But of this let them be assured , namely , that from the free and uncoereed will of the present House of Commons they will obtain nothing .

    in cogitation by Messrs . Disraeli und Co . will vo satisfactory to all parties . Mr . Miller iuncd his Yarmouth friends tho other day that ho ild hardly bo inclined to vote for any bill that not inoludo tho ballot ; while Mr . Aldormnn smons scoffs at tho notion of supposing tho lot would make any material difference one way > ther , but says it were a pity to make a fuss nt a concession , s , o unimportant . Finally , wo told by one Cabinet Minister that all parties now in favour of an amended Reform Bill , and t ouo may bo framed that will content all sides

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    It is a different case with Tuscany , and perhaps with other Italian states . The actual sovereignty is indeed despotic ; but it is lay instead of clerical , and it is native not foreign . It " may not have been advantageous to a Florentine advocate or merchant to profess liberal opinions ; but he was not politically , humiliated by the recollection of his being an Italian ; and he was not incapacitated for the discharge of public duties by the fact of his not being a priest . Herein he was always better off than a citizen of Bologna or Milan . There has long been , however , much more than tin ' s . In proportion as a Government abstains from affronting the dignity or

    wounding the pride of its people , it can afford to lay aside suspicions , and to refrain from vexatious restraints , in other words , to become less hateful and oppressive . Something else follows from the practice of this comparative lenity . The temper of , the governed becomes more moderate and trustful . Kind words and small concessions are not scanned with the same misgiving , or repelled with the same disdain as in other places . The heart of power is not hardened by the withering sense of being incurably abhorred . Its sense of policy is not blinded by the cruel necessity of defending its own questionable prerogatives . It is from time to time open to viewsIts face still

    better councils and wiser . may be set upon continuance in the old path , but it has occasional aberrations in the direction of freedom , and its feet will sometimes wander in quest of popular confidence and love . What has lately occurred in Tuscany strikingly illustrates this . In the general panic among princes in 1848 , the Grand-Duke lost all faith in the constitution he had sworn to maintain , ami submitted to the menaces of Austria , whose troops he invited to take military occupation of Ins capital . But once reinstated in the possession of absolute sway , he speedily turned in disgust from the reactionary severity in which other Italian Governments indulged . Prosecutions there were , and penalties inflicted lor revolutionary offences . But the penalties were , comparatively

    speaking , mild , and the convictions few . Year by vear there has evidently been less and less inclination to preserve the " inflexibility of despotism . When the Jesuit , part ly tr . i d to extort an abrogation of certain valuable relics 01 the famous Leopoklian laws regarding marriage an . I education , they encountered a resolute resistance ; and all their efforts to establish a spiritual espionage . like that of Rome or Austria , were completely baftlod . Every day ' s additional experience of the strength and stability of constitutionalism in Piedmont gave additional courage to those who counselled the Tuscan sovereign to detach himself from the costly and perilous policy of the Court of Vienna ; and every day lias served to dishearten more and more the evil advisers who would have Tuscany governed like Lonibardy , or the temporal dominions of the Holv See .

    • PRESAGES OF PROGRESS IN TUSCANY . We have never shared the hopes professedly entertained by . certain diplomatic politicians amongst us with regard to gradual reform in those parts of Italy which are subject to Austrian or ecclesiastical rule . We frankly own we do not believe that any amelioration in the administrative system prescribed by the Cabinet of Vienna can assuage the hatred of Lombards for a German yoke , and we are equally candid-in avowing our deliberate conviction that no Government can , at this time of day , conciliate the affection or the pride of an intelligent community

    where the irresponsible sovereignty and the principal executive functions are lodged in the hands of priests . Our despair of amendment is neither founded in the one case in prejudices of race , nor in the other on those of creed . Venice and Genoa were , and Belgium and Piedmont are , free , notwithstanding their attachment to Catholicity ; and if the Germans as a people have never yet enjoyed the full benefits of popular institutions , we should be sorry to imagine that they will not do so ere long . Our convictions arc founded on the simple and demonstrable practical truths , that the absolutism of « * . ' « m ¦ ft - A ^ . ^ i and that

    Austria rests solel y upon military force , the absolutism of Rome rests upon no better foundation . Both arc systems which disfranchise the intelligence , the industry , and the self-respect of the count ry ; and both arc necessarily so . If they ceased to be exclusive , they must cease to exist . Nothing but the maintenance of an inexorable monopoly of power could keep the mechanism of tyranny together for six monihs . ^ The States of the Church and tho Lombardo-Venetian Pro vinccs arc huge political gaol-yards tilled with multitudes justly suspected of hostility to those 'who hold the prison keys . To nsk the gaolers to

    withdraw a bolt or two , to open a wicket hero and a postern there , or to set some pi" the captives ns sentries on tho rest , is sheer folly . This was tho dream of Pio Nono when first he ascended tho pontiiicial throne ; and this lias more recently been the dream of the Archduke Maximilian ns viceroy of Northern Italy , But tho dream of tlio humane old monk , and that of the generous young princo , haveproved equally vain . The sincerity ol tno would-be reforming Popo ami tho would-be reforming Viceroy is not doubted ; their good intentions arc appro " , ciatcd , and their want of discernment forgiven . But tlto systems in which tluiy aro temporary and inappropriate figure-heads are felt by their victims to bo irremediable , and aro implacably dotestod because they aro so .

    An incident took place the other day which sliows how different is the state of things in Florence from that which prevails in the neighbouring capitals . On entering the theatre unexpectedly , the poet Nicolini . was recognised immediately , and enthusiastically welcomed by the whole house . He had long lain in retirement , and depression , caused , as was believed , by his affliction at the failure of the national hopes in 1 S 4 S . His tragedies , however , Arnold of Brescia , John of Procida , and others , continued to be played and read ; and his name continued thus to bo associated with all that is most inspiriting in national dramatic verse . His reappearance seems to have struck the audience instinctively as nn omen , if not a signal of political resurrection ; and the patriot recluso was greeted spontaneously with loud and oft-repeated cheers of all who were ' present . Hi \ d such a manifestation occurred elsewhere , it would have provoked the heaviest frowns of authority , and the most stringent orders to prevent its recurrence from the police . Madamo Ristori was sharply rebuked by the Austrian commissary some tnno ago at Venice for yielding

    k . *^ 4 I . a « h ^**** - **« J *¦*» t 4 * «¦* a ^^ 4 4 I ¦ *^ * % * ^ ** l k 4-t «* ^\ st M \ * fc ** J t *^ t ^ f \ ill III fm to the importunities of the audience and repeating some lines in the play of Judith which they haa applied to Italy instead * of Israel ; and Giaconimctti ' a tragedy was " thenceforth interdicted . Far from anything of a similar sort happening at Florence , a new and intensely national play by ivcolini was performed without any objection a lew nift . 'ts alter tho ovation in the thcal . ro adverted to abovo . i . ho sensation it produced is described as Jiiivuigucen immense ; and tho play has boon several tunes

    repeated . , , , ., , It ' may and probably will perhaps bo said by nmttcr . or . fnot unbelievers in goud that those things aro after all but affairs of sentiment , aud that they

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    No . 4 , 4 , 5 , October 2 , 1358 . 1 ^ MJiJi : DEB - 1029

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 2, 1858, page 1029, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2262/page/13/