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    BIK . SYDNEY HERBERT ON JOURNALISM . Tnii liight Hon . S . Herbert , Ml ' ., in the course of a long and able speech delivered at'Warmmstcr , last Thursday , said : —There is no question abroad or at home , no question political , and very few scientific , ¦ which is not admirably discussed in the newspaper press of this country . The articles which appeal' in the newspapers , compressed into a short space , are the result of much reading and of much thought ; and we who have not rf . uch time' on our hands—we are all in this age pressed for time—get by that means great results and a vast amount of thought , elaborated into what ' the Lancashire manufacturers would call the linished article . ¦ 2 U 41 i IJIllLlUldvULll VI lI »* Ui \ 4 v-ibiiv »¦• •• - ' jv . v * ¦• - . »»» - — -

    * ** *** * . Depend upon it , the man who shuts his eyes to the contemporaneous history of the newspaper is a man unfit to deal with the practical wants of society . In speaking of newspapers , it has always appeared to me that they might be much more useful than they are , and I have a strong belief that ultimately we shall see in the newspapers a change which will , I think , tend to make them much safer instructors of the public , for this reason—that the public would then more easily road and accept whnt it now takes cum grano salis . At the present moment newspaper writers are anonymous . My belief is that for the mission of public instruction that is a great disadvantage . It puts on a par , in point of weight and authority , tlie most scrupulous and tho most unscrupulous writer—the most exact and the most inexact . 11 we knew who the writers were , wo should know , in the case

    of a man whose character is established , that everything he says might be taken for gospel , while we should also know in another case that the writer was neither so accurate in his statements nor so careful in sifting Jus facts . I think we should derivo groat advantage from such a state of things . Then , again , there is another matter connected with anonymous writing of » ew 3-papord . A man knows that ho cannot be answered , it the congregation hud the right to answer , the sermon would be somewhat different from what it now is . A man would always bo more careful in what ho st \ w when ho know that ho would bo liable to answer . Even now his writing ia occasionally answered anu his facts disputed , but ho has not to go through the humiliation of being proved to bo wrong . Ho is n nonentity himself . What ho writes may bo criticised , hut ho is unknown . For this reason I think that newspaper caution

    writora do not write with the same enro and which they would othorwiao exercise . Then , agnin , there ia something in tho English character that dislikes secrecy . Men are ashamed , to a certain oxtiiu , or writing anonymously , und , if they do so , they conceal it . 1 have known many goiitlomen take a leailn )|> I ' " in public writing , but I havo always found them unwilling to admit or to bo known ns writors of sucli ami 1 f ** IAI * M " M *»¦¦<*•! # ¦»»» » W " ^** «« llV H ¦• «~ T i . - . * ¦ wiueu

    such articles . Thoy do not like tho fmprourfon would bo produced if thoy were known as anonymous writors . In tho IIouso of Commons an Impromiioii provails that a man who can speak in Ills own namu "I ' " any question takes an unfair advantage if ho rniyn * o \ natlifng under cover of an anpnymous article . men . ' ui some things which pooplo would not bring forwiim e » - copt anonymously , and 1 huvo no doubt that m « '" - cases tho public morals gain from anonymous vrm 'fc . » but . taking tho balance of tho two sides of tho jujo-t on , I do not say that our newspaper writing conk U « » proved , for it could not } but tho weight and In" ° n °° of tho newspapers would bo Increased if •"' »> '" ° "J writing voro cUinlnlahocl , whoro it ia for tho public goou that it should bo diminished .

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    renown tor erudition , may have been exaggerated , still , in scientific attainments , he certainly surpassed his fcllow-monarchs . Now , the case is very different with Prince William . Xjittle claim . lias he to the title of savant . His imagination seldom soars above the details of the barrack-yard and pipe-clay regulations ; and in the society of the learned he must content himself with the unpretending ro / e of William " the Taciturn . " It may be easil y imagined therefrom that he lias no great relish for the companionship of men of science . -He prefers that of the blunt dragoons , to be found so plentifully among the aristocratic members of the army . The position of Prince William , by this circumstance , would become sufficientl

    likely to change the opinions or conduct of his past life . He has ever been the consistent enemy , by turns openly and covertly , of representative government . We cannot , therefore , assume that he will henceforth become . its ardent friend and admirer . That he should take the oath to the Constitution we never doubted for a moment . He has accustomed us to beholding him perform such acts of hypocrisy whenever he has found the occasion compulsory . In 1847 , for instance , he bound himself by oath to the Constitution , at the bidding of the King . In 1 S 4 S , he also recognised the t hen state ot affairs , but it is a matter of history how he kept , even for a few months , those sacred obligations entered into .

    Besides , a sovereign of the most rigid despotic principles may well take the oath to observe a constitution so emasculated by repeated coups d ' etat as the one at present prevailing in Prussia . Do we not know that all the guarantees of representative government arc there destroyed ? Is that palladium and all other popular rights , a free press , to be found in Prussia ? The daily seizures of the most moderate prints give a lamentable answer . Is

    ministerial responsibility—is the right of meeting —is personal liberty—is the inviolability of the citizen ' s domicile—is a guarantee for judicial independence •—in short , are any of ' ¦ those- liberties which , to our notions , are the ingredients of a constitution , to be found in that kingdom ? Assuredly not ! Well then , there can be , after all , but little reason for the Regent to object to swear to a constitution which provides nothing .

    These may appear severe strictures , but , unfortunately , daily occurrences in Prussia do not allow of our speaking in any other strain . The continued persecutions against the press give a bad augury for the future constitutional policy of Prince William . ]\ o less ominous sound the rumours which ascribe to the Regent the intention of appointing as Chief Ministers in his future Cabinet Baron von BismarkrSchonhausen and M . von Bethmann-Hollweg- —the former belonging to the aristocratic party , the latter to the ' crane cle la creme of the most sickly portion of moderate constitutionalism . If the Prince were really to have this intention , he would be pursuing . a similar course to that of his brother Frederick William IV . It was

    always the policy of the abdicated King to combine in his . ministers the feudalist and the bureaucratic parties , so as to conciliate both , and always have two shoulders to rest upon when the road Became difficult . Thus , Manteuffel represented the bureaucratic , sham-constitutionalist element , whilst Westphalen stood there for the squirearchy and the Kreuz-bigots . Now , the appointment of Bismark-Schonhauseu and Beth mauu-Hoi I wcg would be a similar combination , Bismark , at present Minister Plenipotentiary of Prussia at the Frankfort Diet , is decidedly a man of the great landed interest , though he has , on a few occasions , exhibited more courtly than Feudalist sentiments . He would servo as the connecting link between the Prince ' s Government and the Junkers . Herr von

    Bcthmann-VORTRAITU RES OF THE ROYAL FAMILY OF PRUSSIA . THE PRINCE AND HFS INTEBNAX POLICY . In " Prussia , as iri © ermany at large , there are three chief parties , with two of whom , at least , the Prince Ilegent will have to measure strength before long . They are respectively : —the Feudalist Junker party , or the high aristocratic element ; the moderate Constitutionalists , who recruit their ranks from a portion of the middle class , with an infusion from the discontented nobility ; and , thirdly , the Democratic party , which latter , for the nonce , is kept in the deepest subjection , and condemned to almost total silence by the repressive measures of the prevailing svstem .

    Of these three parties , the first Las been estranged from the Prince through the opposition it has offered to the establishment of his regency . The second—the moderate Constitutionalists — have sought to take advantage of this feud between the heir-presumptive and \ he Junkers for the furtherance of their own ' political interests ; we fear , however , they will find themselves sadly deceived in their speculation . As to the third party , the Democrats , we have already depicted in former articles how undying is the hatred with which the Prince regards them . The streets of Berlin running

    red with blood in 1848 , the battle-fields of Southwestern Germany , and the fosses of Rastadt bear ample evidence of the sanguinary energy with which Prince William is prepared to beat down the cause of democracy . It may therefore be seen from the few hints given above that , properly speaking , the Regent does entertain no particular affection for any of the chief political parties . If he could follow out his own desires , he would , unquestionably , carry on government exclusively by the means of the military and the bureaucratic element , making

    front at once against the Feudalist faction , and against the ideas of popular liberty in however moderate a form they may appear . Nor have we any doubt but that this will be the chief aim of his forthcoming administration . We . must , however , keep in mind that , to some extent , he will have to struggle with manyxlifficulfies in carrying out such a line of policy . We are sure , for instance , that in spite of the jealousy with which he considers the Kreuz-clique , fie will not be able to act entirely without it . In a monarchic state , such as Prussia

    still is , and as the Prince wishes to preserve it , the landed aristocracy will always necessarily play an important part . It is possessed of too many facilities for making its influence felt to be easily removed from the contact with all go vernmental affairs . The sway the aristocracy holds over the soil of the kingdom , the prominent position many of its members occupy in the army and the diplomatic branch , and the privileges it enjoys at a Court where royal etiquette is so strictly observed , all tend to confer upon the mediaeval coterie a

    material advantage that it would be a matter of difficulty to dispossess them of . Whatever , therefore , may be the personal leanings of the Regent , he will , in some degree , be restrained by this state of society . It is true , if he could make up his mind to throw himself upon the Constitutionalists , if he resolved to establish a sort of " citizen-kingship , " lie could easily neutralise all the eilbrts of his antagonists , the Junkers . But no sane man can expect such a course from any Hohenzollern—from a royal race all the members of which havo ever entertained

    Hollweg , ou the other hand , who is by courtesy called a constitutionalist , chielly because the men hitherto in power were such rabid absolutists , would be the means of conciliating that very moderate portion of his party which is contented with the shadows rather than tho realities of political life . In other words , the samo comedy would be played as has disgusted Prussia for tho last few years . Such , at least , is the rumour that circulates in Berlin , among those who arc generully well informed . Wo reproduce it without guaranteeing it ; but it , nevertheless , appears to us to possess a sufficient probability in itsolf .

    such a sovereign contempt for the middle-class canaille . Not evon the very founder of modern Prussia , although ho built up tho fortunos of his house with the aid of generals and statesmen that had sprung from tho loins of the people , even he did not scruple tor say " that honour was only to be found with tliose of noble blood , aad never among the burgher rabble . " If those wove the sentiments of the enlightened despot Frederick , II ., what can

    This much is certain that the Prince , though mi adversary of tho governmental pretensions of the aristocracy , yet by natural bias leans to the aristooratio class . In thia he is somewhat tho counterpart of tho King who , with all his dilettanti predilections for modinjval usages , frequently indulged his preference for tho sooial intercourse with oruclito men in whoso veins tho blood of nobles did not circulate . Such an apparent contradiction of tnsto may seem strange ; but a olosor scrutiny will , easily make manifest tho reason of this anomaly . Iho King , although politically mad on tho subioct of Right Divino , was himself of u cultivated mind . To him , therefore , the ocoiwional communion with enlightened savans was an agvceablo ohango from tho barron sphere of tyrannicalnotions that ho liacl oho * on to dwoll in . Ho could place himself in suoh oompnny without foav of appearing at too groat a disadvantage bosido his loarnod associates : for , alboithia

    be expected from a man of suoh narrow martinet notions as the present Regent P We do not think , consequently , that a resolute Constitutionalist policy will be tho characteristic of the Regent ' s administration . The ill-favour with which he is regarded by tUo coteries of tho King , and Quoon might naturally induce one to suppose that ho would find tho necessity of seeking some counterbalancing aid , among tho Constitutionalists . But , on tho othor bond , his haughty notions and royal prerogative will assuredly prevent him from doing what poliay would scorn to point out as the only course for him to pursue . At tho mature age of sixty-two , the Pmnoo is but httlo

    y awkward , were in hot for the superior accomplishments of his ambitious and intriguing wife , who has proved herself an able helpmaid in political business , of which her husband reaps the tangible benefits . ' We conclude here the "Portraitures of-thelloyal Family of Prussia . " We have zealously endeavoured to present faithful likenesses , colouring them not from the fanciful tints of hope and imagination , but from the materials already provided us by the antecedents of the personages depicted . In some of our portraits we have , perhaps , run counter to the accepted opinions at , present in vogue ; hut our'belief is a firm one , that when the deceptive haze which for the moment overhangs Prussian

    matters has cleared away , it wiil be found that our strongest descriptions were only faithful rendering's of the actual position .

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    1164 THE . LEADEB . [ No . 449 , October 30 , 1858 .

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 30, 1858, page 1164, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2266/page/20/