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mass , over all separate classes , cliques , and individuals ; that he should inistrust mankind andjoin in the modern cry against the tyranny of majorities . A large part of his book-r-all the historical illustrations of the persecutions -with which ignorance and passion have pursued the "wisest of men , and with which ignorance and passion now follow certain . peculiarities of opinion and benayioui :- —is occupied by an endeavour to show that the mass of mankind cannot trust , and ought not to trust one another . The greater portion of society-, especially in our country , where Mir . Mill has taught us that
property in the soil is unfortunately not established oh principles favourable to the populace , is certainly now much debased , and therefore , from the ascendancy of the multitude , and its supremacy , which there are no possible means , apparentl y * preventing , he anticipates , as theTate of society , the prevalence of " low , grovelling , " dull , sensual mediocrity . " Passing over the abstract principle , that the mass ever has predominated , and must , more and more as it increases , predominate over the individual , and that we cannot alter the condition of society , be it what it may , which this may bring
about , the fact is , that the vile passions arid extreme ignorance to which Mr . Mill refers were , in past tunes , the characteristics of individuals ; they were embodied in the laws , and pur present superiority —distinguished as intellectual greatness , and contempt for mere " sensual mediocrity "— -has been at least accompanied by a continually increasing power in the mass over individualism . Successive improvements have originated outside the halls of legislation , not with the legislat or * though he has given effect to the public voice ; Public opinion ,
not a Charlemagne or a Napoleon , now leads and governs . From the progress ahreadyni ^ e we are entitled to expect , in the future , a ; continual increase of knowledge , a continual growth of intel ^ lectual power , and a continual elevation of the whole society , from the increasing predominancy of the mass over individualism , at which Mr . Mill and others are so much alarmed . Intellectual power belongs more to society than individuals ; it is inherited ; from generation to generation ; it increases -with mankind- —as observers and
communication are increased—while appetites and passions are always exclusively individual , and are certainly , modified , if we may not say lessened and improved , by increasing knowledge . At the very least , Mr . Mill has no ground whatever , either in principle or fact , for that general mistrust of the great multitude , because tliere is in England an aristocracy and a mob—which is the striking characteristic of his book .
We are more surprised at Mr . Mill's assertion , At p .. 17-1 , that " the principle of individual liberty is not involved in , free trade "— - " neither is it in most of the questions which arise in respect to the limits of that doctrine , " than we are . -at his adopting the temporary alarm of a class as one great principle of a philosophical speculation . 3 Tor Mr . Mill , ni his " Principles of Political Economy , " has told us that " the production of wealth has necessary conditions ; " that " the . laws which determine it are not of human institution ;" ' tlxat " labour is requisite to production . " The
production of wealth implies the whole subsistence of society , and by labour this is gained and all life . sustained . To the general result , as Mr . Mill is well avvore , one species of labour-r-that of the merchant , that or the literary man , that of the agriculturist , or that of the manufacturor- ^ -is as necessary as another . If one be prohibited , another diek out ; if one be interfered with , another is deranged . The labour of the trader , therefore ,
is not only essential to procure his own subsistence — . — £ t ( is essential to the well being of society . Yet Mr Hill says , to interfere with his business does no , tl nvolve the principle of individual liberty . It interferes with individual life ; it impedes the trader or the labourer in procuring $ he means of subsistence , and Mr . Mill tells us , at page 58 , that " men might as well bo imprisoned , as excluded , from the means of earning their bread . " In proportion aa trade has been set free , and individuals have been enabled to buy and soil what they like , whore they like , and with whom they like , the wealth of many individuals in England has be < nn increased , the We of society has lacen much enlarged , and oven more improved . To have prevented tins would have been equally a wrong to the individuals and to Booiety . His notion that industry ov trade " is a part of conduct which . society is competent to restrain , " may
explain why he took no . active part in the great movement to get rid of the corn laws ; but it will no more recommend his philosophical doctrines to popular favour : than his avowed confidence in a select few , and his inistrust of the bulk of society . To notice another passage in Mr . Mill ' s book , we must begin by reminding our readers that towards 1830 , the combined effects of the corn laws , of paying wages out of poor rates , and of sentimental mismanagement in parishes , had made pauperism equally unbearable and ruinous to the ratepayers and the rate recipients . Half the evil consequences of that deplorable system are not yet b
outgrown , and the vicious habits engendered y the policy , followed to 1842 , continue to degrade the people . To remedy some of the alarming evils of pauperism , and yet preserve the corn laws , in 1834 an exceptional authority , only justified by tliis extreme case , was established , to which ^ great powers were given . . With some variations in form and name , the Poor Law Board has now been twenty-four years in existence . When it began its administration , " the amount of poor rates levied" was 8 , 606 , 5017 ., and the amount expended on the relief of the poor was 6 , 790 , 800 / . In 1857 , the former item was 8 , 139 , 0 O 3 Z ., and the amount expended on the relief of the j > oor was 5 , 898 , 7567 Under the latter head , in the interval , a great increase o £ management charges , and a new . expenditure for medical relief , are included . In the
interval , too , the number of pailpers , by the abolition of the corn laws * has decreased very considerably , so that the result of the labours of the Board is to expend almost as much money in 1857 as in 1834 , to relieve a much smaller number of paupers . Through the whole of its career this Board has been involved in squabbles , so that ultimately , and on the whole , it has increased contention , and , in relation to the amount of pauperism , has increased taxation ; yet this exceptional establishment is described by Mr . Mill , in the teeth of these facts , "in its general conception , " page 206 , as a model of excellence , only defective apparently because " its powers of administrative coercion and subordinate legislation" have been " owing to the state of opinion very scantily exercised . "
Mr . Mill , in the name of liberty , approves of laws " to forbid marriage ,, unless the parties can show that they have the means of supporting a family . " But the ; sole means of supporting every family , and every state , is—industry ; and if those who wish to marry have brains and limbs , why should other persons doubt their means of getting subsistence ? One of the strongest stimuli to sustained industry , is the desire to provide for a family , and that stimulus these laws will not allow to come into existence . In the complicated condition of modern society , it is impossible for any legislature to know , before hand , the means by whichi an in- >
dustripus couple may honestly acquire an abundant subsistence for themselves and then : offspring . This is their business and their duty , and it is a gross invasion of their liberty for other men , whether called the State or society , to prevent them marrying till others arc satisfied that they are able to obtain the means of subsistence for themselves and their children . In like manner , Mr . Mill would have " the State require and compel the education , up to a certain standard , of every human being b 6 rri its citizen . " Now , the chief end of all education must
be , first , to ena ble the educated being to procure the means of , subsistence , Every species of instruction must be subordinate to this , Mr . Mill , consequently , would make the State , in making it responsible for the general education , responsible for providing the whole subsistence of ifcliq people . He would make lifo itself depend on State regulations . Such conclusions will not recommend Mi * . Mill , as an authority , to the multitude ; and wo shall show , in another article , why ho should not bo , followed by the thinking ffew .
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TO THE EDITOR OF ' ' THE LEADER . " Sir—If I refer to . what you said some months' ago it is really a compliment , as it shows that I do not consider your words as fleeting shadows . My reason , however , is , that I was laid up by ' iUness when you published them , and have only lately read them .
On August 21 , 1858 , you had an article headed " The Confessional . " It -was chiefly on the dispute in the diocese of Oxford , with which I , as a Catholic have nothing to do . But , incidentally , and lam sure unintentionally , you have misrepresented both the practice , the opinions , and the feelings of Catholics ; and on this I must beg you to allovv me to explain . Your words
are" What is it to the world—provided the husband consents , or considers it his duty , or his interest , not to object—that the Roman Catholic priest , in the discharge of the powers of his priestly office , chooses to question -wives or maidens oil matters respecting which no one else would dare to allude to , and to demand plain and ample answers on pain of refusing absolution ? Persons of a different creed are entitled to do no more than to hold an opinion on these practices . Certainly no one has a right to dictate to the Roman Catholic layman , or to the Roman Catholic priest , what acts or sayings shall or shall not constitute the Roman Catholic creed . . . ' . # ¦ ' * ¦ ' ? " In the case of the Roman Catholic , the master of the house and family , especially of . the female portion of it , is there when the priest walks in . The depository of family secrets , even of the most intimate relations between husband and wife , carries the real sway ; this is notorious , and needs no confirmation . Tlie secret of this power is the confessional . It is true that the Roman Catholic priest , in defence of the confessional , asserts that the Roman Catholic woman has a safeguard in theRoman Catholic religion able to shield her mind from contamination -when questioned on matters which would call a blush to the cheek of the veriest harlot even to name . " From this I infer that you
suppose—1 . That " family secrets" are told by Roman Catholics in confession . 2 . That the priest is able to use what he thus learns to influence families . 3 . That he is allowed to put to his penitents , especially his female penitents , " questions on matters which would call a blush to the cheek of the veriest harlot to name . " Allow me to assure you , that all , or any of these thingswould be utterly abhorred by all Catholics .
, 1 It is a common notion among Protestants , that confession , as practised by Catholics , means giving an account of our whole lives . In fact . Catholics are bound to confess nothing beyond those things of which ow consciences accuse them as grievous sins : and though . they are allowed to confess smaller sins , yet nothing except a sin , greater or less , can be matter of confession at all . Neither are they allowed to confess other people ' s sins , but only eacn to
his own ; and if , in doing this , it is necessary refer to any other person , they are not nllovveci to mention his or her name , or to say any more about him than is necessary to make their own ^ confession intelligible . Need I say that most of the hin s which a person of delicate feelings would ws' ^ o i 0 mention , are not sins at all ; but things ; either right or at least indifferent . No one of such notions can be alluded to in confession . Again , ns to " >»'"" £ known fnniilv secrets , tho obligation of onoh person tnoir b
to keep strictly to his own sins , prevents uu »< explained . For instance , a merchant confesses , * joined with another pevsora to commit such im * w «» a dishonest action . " Who the . other poi-son * y , ° J who was the victim of the injustice , the penitent is forbidden to state and the priest to ask . Again , nob only is every one at liberty to oliooso or to change , at discretion , his or her own contoBSOg but wl * en chosen , there is nothing to prevent »»» going to a stranger on any one or moro occasions , « his own discretion . Ho Is not obliged to state 1 > name , or any more of his clroumstancos than w necessary to make his confession lntolhgi » lo . x »' is not a theoretical right , but one daily V ™™* Z Lot any of your readers go to the church in * ftrlJ street , Borisoloy-squaro , or again to the Omtory » Brompton . on any Saturday afternoon jor o ^ nU g ( the cWtime for confessions ) , and Uo . wi «» y \ easily a stranger may confess without the prw » j who Wa his confession , having any suspicion viw
Owing to tlioM and many other WjJtoJ w * guards , ! have no hesitation in ^ " ^ i ^ KSi tical result i 3 , that loss of the secrets of a'Oatho » j family nrc known ( through the confessional ) * °
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Thjb Enowsh Sohooj-s in Pjuus .- ^—The report for 1858 by tlio Committee of these Schools for tlie eliildren of their poor , fellow-country men haa just been published . The condition of the schools appear to bo very good . Much of the money for . their support comes from English persons who are in Paris only on short visits , A new master and mistress have very recently boon obtained from two of the best normal schools in London . The supporters of the schools have spent a good deal of money in trying to put them on a better basis in every way than hitherto . The schools deserve encouragement , and do credit to tho patrons .
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43 $ THE LEADER . [ No . 471 , April 2 , 185 fr .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), April 2, 1859, page 436, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2288/page/20/
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