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    itself in full force . Francis had died without pardoning the Italian liberals , or granting any . relief to the prisoners of Spielberg . The new Emperor had long and repeatedly pleaded their cause with his father , but always unsuccessfully . No sooner did he ascend the throne than he expressedhis wishes in reference to thorn toMetternich , who greatly opposed his desires , and it Avasonly at the . moment of hiscoronation that he could obtain their pardon . Having , however , given way for reasons of state policy , the astute minister made the rejoicings attendant upon their pardon the occasion for placing the iron crown upon thelhead oi ' the Emperor in thcDuomo h of bis

    of Milan , and thus pi-oclaiming the triump policy in the face of all Europe . In the summer of 1838 , an immense concourse of Italians and foreigners assembled at Milan . The municipality was excited and joyful , and nattered itself that the days of the Italian kingdom were restored . The illusion was , however , but short-lived . It was soon discovered that it was nothing more than a comedy that was being performed , and that on the fall of the curtain everything in Italy would return to its old state . To the conniption of the people and their mania for public diversions did Prince Metternich owe the triumph of seeing the Emperor feted . AH the princes of Italy repaired to Milan to offer their homage to Ferdinand , with the

    exception of two—the Pope , who was incapacitated by . age from taking the journey , and -Charles Albert , who was too independent to stoop to Austria . But the liberal party throughout Italy had manifested great displeasure at the exhibition . The year following they commenced a systematic agitation ¦ under the colour of a scientific congress . From 1840 ,- plot succeeded plot and hatred of Austria and desire of liberation from its power and influence increased from . day to day . The people of Lombardy had learned by experience that the ministerial tyranny of Metternich was infinitely more galling , exercised under " the feeble-niiiided Ferdinand , than when subjected to the occasional restraint placed upon it by the'harder and sterner-Emperor Francis I .

    Metternich had the credit of exciting the populace of the various Italian states to revolt in 1846 . From hidden sources issued an endless profusion of petitions , remonstrances , demands , complaints and suggestions for improved Government . According to popiilar- belief the most fierce and democratic of these emanated from the Austrian minister , whose agents , it was asserted , were spread over the whole Peninsula , with orders to excite the factions to excesses -which

    should compel the Government to put a stop the spirit of reform , which was making rapid progress and justify , the interference of Austria . The liberal ideas imbibed by Pius IX . were tho source of thu greatest disquietude to Metternich , who declared that the closing yeai's of Lis life would be embittered by the sight of such au anomaly as a liberal pope . But he took some comfort from the assurance he nourished ^ that Pius would be xmablo to carry out his projected reforms , and would ho compelled to avail himself of Austrian aid before the expiration of twelve months . After the revolution of' 48 Mettcrinch

    ¦ was compelled to quit his country . He came to England , incognito , by way of Hamburgh , and thus inscribed himself in the f remcle buck ( strangers' book ) on his journey : " Herr V . Meyer , lady nnd suite : merchant from QrU '/ . " Upon quitting England he passed some months in Uelgiuni , and only ventured to return to his own country when political affairs began to nssumo their former aspect in 1851 . His power was gone ; lie never again assumed offieo , but lived in retirem ent until . Saturday Juno 11 th , when his long life terminated . The oppression to -which the b

    Italians have for so many years boon subjected y Austria mut < t bo attributed in a great measure to this statesman . We trust it may be taken us a good omen for their cause , that his deat h has occurred at a time when his Sovereign ' s arms ore subjected to humiliation and defeat , on ( ho soil ? o long trodden by him and his soldiery in all ( ho pride and pomp of military and political ^ innolcnco and mastery . May the power of Austria in Italy bo interred in the siuno grave with the statesman who so long dictated tho tyrannical policy under which tho Peninsula has groaned .

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    Tho Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg is expected to arrive on Friday next from Germany onaviait to tho Duchess of Cambridge .

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    ITALIAN LIBERTY . ^ Xo . VI . I might hav . e saved myself the trouble of exposing the conduct . of Austria towards Italy , had Lord John Russell made his speech of yesterday week a little earlier . Austria has been labouring from 1820 to lnake ^ all Italy conform to the laws of her armies . From the tenor of that speech , and others made in Parliament , I have more hope than I had before that we shall not be caught in the meshes of the German Aveb , and thus be dragged into war against a freedom ¦ of which . Germans themselves are unworthy , or they would have taken it up long ago . There was little hope of -w-n « a -W -W A ¦^ . T" . ~ r Tr" * Tr ^ . V" ^ - -vr-w

    escaping this evil under Lord Mahnesbury , however right intentioned he might be , at the present moment . If the love of place made that noble lord and his coadjutors devour former long continued asseverations with so little compunction as they have done , to gulp down a declaration of their pacific intentions when they thought it more advantageous to be belligerent would only cost an appeal to precedent . His lordship is one of those statesmen who realise the scripture passage : " God hath chosen the foolish things of this world

    to confound the wise . " There is no reason why Napoleon III . * because he is aiding in the freedom of Italy , should desire to overthrow his allies , the King of Sardinia or Queen of Eng land , and usurp their territory . No two races can be more adverse than the stolid Austrians and the lively Italians , yet at the treaty of Vienna this was not considered , because in everything with Castlereagh and the Holy Alliance , the consent of the people to be driven like swine , under swineherds of the " right sort , " was not to be taken into account . What owner of grunting ,

    grumbling quadrupeds ever . thinks of accommodating the distance of the day ' s journey to the . animal's legs , or . to anything but the strength of his driving whip ? — — In the course of the debate Lord Paluierston , who understands the complicated , affairs- of Europe better than any other man in Parliament , and has had more experience in them ,, was attacked ridiculously enough by the Irish Attorney General because Austria offered , to give up Lombardy in 1848 , when it was no longer in her possession , if England would interfere . Lord Pahnerston re-C * . ¦ > . i . 1 XT" nice to be retained

    fused because Ve was . Now , Lord Pahnerston well knew that ' Venice had been obtained by Austrian treachery , that it was free at that very moment * but though free , Austria calculated on recovering it by force . What right had an English minister to aid in the subjugation of a free country , with which he had no enmity ?—a country , too , that if Austria could blush , the recollection of how it was acquired , from a friend and ally , must have caused her to blush if only for the first time . Lord Pahnerston rightly refused to brand his country with shame , and the Irish Attorney-General censured him for not so doing . Had Lord

    Pahnerston not so ready and decisive a reason as was given there was another . The bone of contention between Italy and Austria would have remained as open as over . The receiver of the stolen goods of Campo Formio would not have rested undisturbed in base possession of his acquirement , and England on that ground alone would have exhibited Very bad policy to aid one that had without scruple despoiled an ally . Will Venice is m partnership with Nick Austria ; Tim Tyke robs Will Venice , his own partner , and Nick Austria , divides tho swog obtained by tho felony , with the have

    robber from his own partner ! What would boen said of Lord Pahuerslon had he been guilty of sanctioning so black on act—no matter about Lombardy . England , too , at peace with Venice . Such things may do in Mr . Attorney-Generals profession , across tho channel , though I must doubt t ; they may do in Austria , or in banking houses like those of Sir J . Paul & Co ., but they will not do with honest men or honest governments . Talleyrand used to say a thing was worse than a cr j , ne—it was a fault . Lord Palincrnton would have committed an intolerable political fault had ho acceded to tho Austrian demand .

    a constitutional government from a British sovereign , winch it flung away , now shows it * open sympathy with the most notorious despotism in Europe , and perhaps is , next to it , the most domestically arbitrary . Let this spirit be watched . The Stado dues are a sufficient insult to the British nation , and to its commerce . England ha ? been the benefactor of Hanover to its own cost . Had Lord Mahnesbury Hanover in h ' \< mind when he talked of our fraternity with Austria ? His lordship must know that England repudiates ¦ . . . . . 1 .. ± . I * . _ T" > T A . T _ 1-

    Hanover , and that the -repeated * if tacit , insults she has shown to her benefactor , insignificant and even contemptible as slie is , are no more a bond to Englishmen to incline them to her policy than they would be to the kingdom of Brobdignag to incline to that of Lilliput . It is to be hoped that the present royal Hanoverian breed may multiply its offspring , like the original mother of the Guelphs , and thus prevent any future sovereign of England from being as Hanover - bitten as the three first Georges , and as well prevent Englishmen from furnishing money to buy up territory for its increase , as in the case of Bremen . The debate in the House of Commons included

    the three classes of speakers , the first of which , and perhaps fewest in number , attach less importance to the matter than the manner-of expressing themselves , but often do it becomingly ; the second , and most numerous , those who discharge themselves of iterations in language expressing threadbare ideas without end , and , lastl y , that happy number , who deliver particular opinions which strangle everything which approaches the sense and meaning of what they have before delivered- ; sometimes forgetful of Hansard , at others perhaps owing to a change of wind happening during the preceding day or two . The ministerial party were very strong here .

    I believe it is the right of the Sovereign to read all the dispatches from the heads of the departments , and-to command them , if he see fit , to be brought for that purpose . But it is equally clear -for the public good , that such documents should be secret to all but tlie sovereign and the public servant to whom the responsibilitity attaches as minister . No other party , no subject , can have any claim to a knowledge of their contents . Tins is obvious , that mischief may not arise to the nation from suggestions or alterations , which remove , de facto , all responsibility from the minister ? What mischief may accrue from communications of thuir contents to quarters for '• which England has no regard , no concern ! When we see a territory like Hanover , which owes so much to us , leading the dance for

    against the principle that it is most our profit to pursue , we have a right to be careful that no advantage is taken of information likely to be oi detriment to us from any quarter . We assert that the royal Consort , for examp le , has no more rMit to tho perusal of such documents , as those to which reference is making , than any other subject of her present Majesty . I speak in a constitutional sense . The country knows only the sovereign and the minister in such a matter , ana the minister is bound to act agreeably to tho sense of the constitution as well as of reason . lie is answerable to the nation , and , as such , is bound to a ri «» id observance of his duties , as well as to his personal safety , for ho cannot fail to remember that the sovereign can do no wrong , and that ho himself is responsible for . all consequences , „ toward or untoward , that for nil mac , oven by chance , may operate against the national

    U 1 " But the Austria ™ lmve been wdl beaten , and wo shall soon have a ponce . " Lot us not bo too certain of that . AuatiWa no ntoru upo human life In loohhvr to consequences she only oaicufotoJVo " ^ Hoeninhor military catechism how she l £ » veit » raliirion itself to her own uuHwh endrt , and Jt must notte o . Npc " tea that defeat will daunt her until she flnda ( ho bhiowb of war fail . , She is as pcr-Sovor S " notion as hIio in unprincipled in her deal , t Under Lord Derby ' s government , t £ o pn . bablc peace would not have boon long nroHcrvod . Hi * lordsl . i ,. '« own word * gave gooj tlic ioo

    ronnon to fear this ; thatjpnrt of press ,, wu . «« a ruled by the monicd interest , seemed to partake in the fear that peace would not ba preserved ho Um « as could bo desired . A now era , however , i » about to bo entered upon , ony in which it is to bo hoped the complexion of public afliurs will take « more fixed colour . 1 aoX . o .

    Tho speeches on the ministerial Bide , except that of Mr . D . iBraoli , were of little import . That right lion , gentleman was as usual quite himself . In the course of tho debate , it is cnid that nono of tho Gorman States cared tibout Austrian Italy , except Hanover . This is an exception—tho lost we should have expected to f ? eo . That , petty kingdom , which owes to English influence nnd J « -nt } li » l » money all its oonscquencc , and which received

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    Affairs . ] THE LEADER . ' 7 . 47 _ ' . . ¥ 7 k mr i v-r-

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), June 18, 1859, page 747, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2299/page/15/