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Leader (1850-1860), 30th July 1859, Edition 1 of 2, Page 889, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS . Wo notice can be taken of anonymous correspondence wSafcTOtototendSSr insertion must be authenticated b ^ tuc name and address of the writer ; not necessarily for publication , but as a guarantee of his good faith . tt ia impossible to acknowledge the mass of letters we re-¦ ** ££ Their insSnAb often delayed , owing to a press of matter- and when omitted , it is frequently from reaso ^ ui te independent of the ' merits of the commumoation . We cannot undertake to return rejected communications .

      Untitled Article

      OFFICE , NO . 18 , CATHERINE-STREET , STRAND , "W . O .

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      Untitled Article

      SATURDAY , JULY 30 , , 1859 .

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      Untitled Article

      There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to : keep things fixed -when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —I > R . Arnold . . _ ' ¦ ¦ ' ' ¦ , ? ' . ' ¦

      Untitled Article

      ^ . ^ ttt ^ a 0 . 1859 . 1 THE LEADEB , 889

      Untitled Article

      SUBSCBIPTION TO " THE LEADEB . " ONE GUINEA PER YEAR , * UNSTAMPED , PEEPAID . ( Delivered Gratis . )

      Untitled Article

      LORD JOHN RUSSELL ON ITALY . It is no small testimony to the value of the press that Lord John Russell ' s statement on Thursdayevening , although to all appearance as frank and complete as circumstances permitted , has given scarcely any information -which the * public did not previously possess . The attempt to reconcile the discrepant statements of the French , Prussian , and Austrian courts , amounts to little more than a confession that in the absence of anything reliable , either party was at liberty to form and act upon what guesses he pleased . The most probable story is , that the French Emperor received a communication from Russia decidedly objecting to a continuance of the "war , and especially to its enlargement by operations in Hungary . Under these ch'cuinstances the two combatants preferred winding up their quarrel in their own way , instead of waiting for the probable concurrence of the great neutral powers in some project of pacification . It is important to note that the Hungarians do not complain of being deceived by Louis Napoleon . They are bitterly disappointed that the war should have been brought to a conclusion without affording an opportunity for the revival of their cause ; but the pledges given to them were only conditional , and left the French Government at liberty to accept or forego their aid as circumstances might require . Far different was the position of those , Italians , who were invited to join in the Franco-Sardinian movement , and who were apparently deserted by the Villa Franca peace . Lord John Russell has confirmed the belie *; that the principal questions ax'e totally unsettled , but his distinct expression of conviction . that the Emporor of the Froncli will neither employ force nor permit Austria to employ it , for the restoration of the Tuscan dynasty , or that of Modena against the wish of the , people , holds out a strong hope that ; moro good may he effected for Italy than the unsatisfactory termination of tho war led most people to suppose . If his lordship is also right in behoving that the Binporor of Austria does not entertain tno idon of employing his troops to coerce tho Tuscans and Modencso , there would appear some chanooof a settlement which , although far from definitive , may bo useful in itself and lay tho foundation for future progress . Our news columns will show the movement in Tuscany in favour of . union with Sardinia , and when the legal ' representatives of the people assemble in Florence thov will find themselves strengthened by tho moral power of England , as expressed in tho clear and forcible declaration of tho British Minister for Foreign AffaiiT . The Grand Dukes and Austria may

      contend that , according to an article in the Villa Franca Treaty , the former are to return to their States ; but Lord John very appropriately asks , how ?—and if a friendly co-operation with Louis Napoleon will assist him to adhere to the decision of neither employing nor permitting the intervention of force to accomplish this end , it will be the fault of the parties chiefly concerned if they again fall under the thraldom of satellites of Austria who have forfeited all legal and moral rights to rule over them . Tuscany has a population of 1 , 800 , 000 ; Parma and Modena together contains a million , and if by any means these people could be united to , or honestly federated with Sardinia , a large and important state would be produced . The Tuscans are told by Lord John Russell , that if , through their representatives , they " declare that a certain Government is that under which tliey could live happily , it would be impossible for any representative of her Majesty to go against that declaration , " and the same thing is said to the Modenese . After this explicit and honourable expression of opinion , all friends of liberty will feel that the Cabinet ought not to be interdicted from intervening in Italian concerns . We have written as freely as any one in condemnation of what was wrong in the Emperor Napoleon ' s conduct , but we are satisfied the solid judgment of the English people will approve of rendering him any moral aid towards redeeming those promises to the Italians which the imperfect treaty of Villa Franca did not fulfil . A candid perusal of Lord John Russell ' s speech will show that he isfullyalive to the danger of entangling this country in negotiations from which she ought to stand aloof ; and he sees clearly the impracticability of the * wild scheme of an Italian , confederation under the honorary presidency of the Pope . The strength of Sardinia consists in those principles of civil and religious liberty by which the Vatican was scandalised when the Marquis d ' Azeglio proclaimed them in his dominions ; and if , by ^ ineans of . the treaty of Villa Franca , she were forced into a confederation ruled by Austria and the Pope , her condition and capacity to render services to Italy would be worse than before the war began . It is possible that the Emperor of the French may be desirous to make the treaty of Zurich a better document than the preliminary sketch made at V ^ . ^ ranca » an ( * * ° the sake of Italy and in justice to Franceif such be his intention—let no aid be wanting which a British Government can fairlygive . If the Sardinians , Lombards , Tuscans , and inhabitants of the Duchies are wise enough to form a strong political union it should obtain the recognition and sanction of all the g reat powers , as the new position , although not guaranteed , would be recognised by the public laws of Europe , and any future effort whicli Austria might make for its disturbance would be regarded as a violation of the general peace . The Papal question does not admit of p resent solution * but if a territory could . be formed in Northern Italy , comprehending eleven millions of people , enjoying constitutional government , religious liberty , and a considerable n eedom of the ' press , the work of enlightenment would prosper , and new forces would be generated that neither Pope nor Cardinal would bo able to withstand . Time , only can settle the condition and solve tho difficulties of Italy ; the idea of finality miist bo discarded from all present arrangements . It is enough for tho day if the day ' s work is done , and Europe can find no nobler task than that of repay * ing to Italy some portion of the benefits she rendered to humanity during long ages , when art , knowlodge , and civilisation found in her cities their most congenial home . i r j i . » <¦ f [ ¦ i i

      Untitled Article

      THE NATIONAL DEFENCES COMMISSION . Tins discussion thnt occurred in tho House of Commons on Monday , when Sir Do Lacy Evans brought forward his motion ior n Commission to inquire , into our national dofenoes , does not encourage tho belief that muoh good will bo accomplished , as it is evident from the remarks of Lord Palmorston that tho Government only intend thai a small portion of tho subject shall bo considered by the gentlemen to whom thoy commit tho task . It would have boon more satisfactory if tho honourable and gallant member for ¦ Westminster had made a dofinito and specific proposal , wrnoli might have had tho support of Intelligent

      roformers in and out of Parliament . He ought , as an experienced soldier and politician , to have seen that by the course he adopted he was merely playing into the hands of Government , which , through his amiable intervention , has obtained the sanction of the Commons to the narrowest and most unsatisfactory investigation . Lord Palmerston represented the question to be considered as simply one of fortifications for dockyards and special sites , and deprecated inquiry into the quantity of military and nayal force that would be needful , which , he said , was a matter that miist be left to the Administration of the day . This argument is plausible but unsound , and , if acted upon , will vitiate the whole investigation . It is , no doubt ,, true that each successive cabinet must base its requisitions for ships or men on the particular circumstances of the time , but the labours of a well-chosen commission , embracing the whole subject * would end in establishing certain principles , which would materially modify both the extent and the nature of ministerial demands . Just now it is assumed that the country will pay any amount of money that the War Department think proper to ask for ; but all men acquainted with finance are satisfied that the present enormous outlay cannot be maintained , and it is therefore Useless to lay down plans out of proportion to the funds which can be obtained . Mr . Bright ' s little party propose to turn common sense upside-down , and disarm this country whenever ¦ its possible foes are adding to then ? means of offence . This is a . folly that the country will riot commit , although it is already plunged into the opposite absurdity of beating afl the world in the amount lavished upon warlike apparatus . Looked at rationally , two fundamental considerations should lie at the bottom of any permanent plan of defence . First , the amount of money that can be prudently set aside for the purpose ; and secondly , the number of men whose entire labour can be diverted from industrial pursuits . A state which has abundance of idle men capable of being made into soldiers at a . small cost , will naturally be able to keep a larger regular army than another state of equal population , but in a higher condition of industrial development , and as a corollary , it follows that the former will be able to garrison a number of fortresses quite unmanageable by the latter . At present the tendency is for localities to demand , and for government to sanction the construction of fixed fortifications armed with guns , incapable of rapid transport . Town after town takes fright at alarming articles in the papers , or prodigious speeches from venerable peers ; the local member is applied to , and his vote and interest is beneficially influenced in favour of the Administration , who will build a battery and plant monster cannon , flanked by imposing pyramids of shot and shell . Just out of range or these formidable implements may be a convenient landing place , and the town , notwithstanding its armament , may , for practical purposes , be as defenceless as before . We often hear of the defenceless state of Portsmouth from the land side , and similar accounts are given of other important ports , but if half of them were protected in all directions by regular works , more soldiers would be required to man them than the British army contains . We should bo afraid of leaving them without garrisons lest they should be captured and used against us , and if we shut up our troops in them the enemy would go somewhere else . England and Wales alone have a coast lino of at least 2 , 000 miles , measuring tho principal indentations only , and this simple fact m pg geography is sufficient to show how small apotion of our frontier we could hope to doAnd by fixed W Iu former times , guns of email bore wore d ^ s ^ - ^ s ^^ Sg not be curried from p lace to place . XUis is all olwiiffid—elongatocf shot , by weighing much more Ex rouiidShot of the same bore , give luhliHonal nowcr to guns of small calibre ; and a norffio AmKmg ownon would do more to pro-? n tl S « pS 5 oh of a hostile ship or obstruct an onomv ' s landing , than the largest of the oldfashioned guna of position . Those matters should bo woll considered in arranging sohemos or dofonoe , nnd tho commission shpuld likewise endoavour to indicate tho best methods by which . ublo bodied civilians could bo rendered avails

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), July 30, 1859, page 889, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2305/page/13/