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    whi&ti , tinder it , Order can be preserved , should be mad e ( generally familiar . Had the French possesse d such a knowledge at the epoch of their first revolution , how different and glorious for humanity mig ht hare been its results . Every day the ascendancy of the democracy is growingevery day it is becoming more assured ; and the writer who so prepares society for the inevitable as to make , 'it also the beneficial , deserves the gratitude of mankind . M . Vacherot claims some merit for his method of treating the subject , none for any new discoveries .. He defines democratic society , adverts to the moral , religious , social , and economic

    conditions of its existence ; discusses communism , centralization , the ri g hts of the State and of the Se ople , and the different necessary branches of a emocratic government , in a very orderly manner . The great question , " Where are we to find the true line of demarcation between the duties of the State and of individuals ? " is now , as it was in Burke ' s time , quite unsettled . In a democracy , where all men are equal and all are free , the difficulty of ascertaining this line is at the maximum . No sueh society has ever , to our knowledge , existed ; and for it , thus defined , a Government has yet to be imagined ' and created . The State as we know it , the army , the

    administration of the law , the institution of a police , an established church , a system of public education by universities , high schools , &e ., are all creatures of ,, and inseparably connected in our minds with , the monarchical or old feudal form of government . They all recognise a lower or slave class , to be instructed , drilled , and kept obedient ; and such a class can have no possible existence in a thorough democracy . Its essential characteristic is entire and perfect equality . Old and young , skilful and awkward , clever and stupid ; wise and foolish , with relative degrees of abundance , or ease , must exist in every society ; and hew these may

    co-exist in perfect submission to' the general opinion , frc-ely and equally expressed by all—or in submission to the general p hysical power of alland in the enjoyment b y all of the ^ separate rights these natural peculiarities create , is the problem to be solved . No present institutions afford us any guide to it . They are all , in principle , adapted to a state of society totally different from that of the future democracy . Neither the United States nor England can be a model . The latter is an old feudal " monarchy , in which the democracy is Traduallv '' -rowing powerful ; the former is an

    imitation oVtlie latter , with a greater infusion of the democratic element , and yet mingled with slavery , which only renders the institutions adopted from Europe the more inconsequent and more harmful . M . Vacherot htis . not raised his thoughts to the heig ht of contemplating a true democracy as he has defined it . He reall y regards it as regulated by monarchical institutions , or subordinate to them in spirit ; and so his book is not really so valuable as a book on the subject ought to be , Many useful remarks are contained in it . But it is radically and essentially defective by connecting democracy with institutions which have

    a monarchical origin . At the same time , as far as it attracts attention , it " will provoke investigation into the subject , anil help to dissipate crude and silly alarms , " which the Conservatives arc continually generating , about tho ascendancy of * the democracy , which cannot be prevented . Tho task , however , of ascertaining what institutions will suit the democracy is yet to be accomplished . When it has really come into existence it will probably solvo tho problom for itself , or bring with ft tho institutions it ro . mires . One thing is certain . The oxistonoo of a democracy is not the result of man ' s will , and therefore it may be inferred that tho power which calls it into existence will also determine the conditions on wlnoh it can be permanently m aintained in welfare .

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    ITALY AT ' THE CLOSE OF THE YBAR . The year 18 .-50 , now brought to a close , will ever bo memorablo in the iwmald of Italy . Not tho glories of . anciont Komo , tho world-renowned Italian republics , nor tho splendid glitter of tiio municipal institutions of the Peninsula , over presented a more striking or suggestive speotaclo than that which has boon ofibred by modern Italy , to tho eye of tho moralist and tho politician during the twelve months iuBt elapsed . I ho past has been a year rich in military glory , patriotic aspirations , and struggles to maintain a normal

    condition involving the most contradictory principles . Side by side , each possessing its own adherents , stand the liberal and progressive native legislation of Piedmont- ; the irksome and hated foreign rule of Austria ; the self-government , enjoyed for centuries past , by the microscopic state of San Marino and the tiny principality of Monaco ; the misrule and barbarism of the dark ages in conjunction with priestly rule and intolerance in the

    Pontifical dominions , and tyranny and repressive cruelty in its grossest form , transferred from father to son , through the hands of death , in the kingdom of Naples . In the midst of these contending ! elements and heterogeneous combinations , the people of the four Central States have manifested at one and the same time the admirable spectacle of the noblest firmness of purpose in throwing off oppression and resisting its re-imposition , with the maintenance of all but unbroken order and

    tranquility . The single exception , m the case of the Anviti murder , though greatly to be regretted , itself affords a proof that it is not from blind Unreasoning passion , but in obedience to the dictates of prudence and self-respect , that the Italians had been induced to rise against their rulers . That such wretches , as the victim of the Parma mob , should be allowed to torment men ' of worth and honour must surely be a violation of every right , human and divine . Considering the provocation offered by Anviti , we may safely overlook this one breach of order and propriety on the part of the lowest class of a great , city , and claim

    for the Italians' a large meed of admiration for the self-control of which they have shown themselves capable . The year 1859 has afforded the fullest and most satisfactory refutation of the oftrrepeated calumny , that the Italians are unfitted for national and self-government . The refinement and gentleness , hitherto supposed to be the exclusive appanage of the well-born " and educated classes , have descended to the lowest members of the community , as the patient endurance of privations and physical discomfort , generally associated with the sacrifices and exigencies of poverty and obscurityhave been voluntarily .-and nobly

    en-, countered by the scions of aristocratic houses for the sake of the common cause . Under circumstances of the greatest difficulty , they have pursued their course , unmindful alike of the calumnious reports and tempting baits of open and secret enemies , and the expressed and implied desires and policy of an ally whose wishes and views gratitude compelled them to treat with deference and consideration . The fiery , hot-headed Southern race , whose boiling blood and heated imagination made recourse to the dagger on the slightest provocation a thing of every day occurrence—at

    least , according to the exaggerated accounts of travellers and writers—has so far changed its nature and its habits that it has frequently of late been taunted with apathy and indolence , bo hard is it in this world of jarring , conflicting interests , to find the precise middle path between the extremes which meet and confound right and wronT that tho very mouth and pen wlnoh one day reproached the Italian with his proud impatience of restraint and quickness to avengo himself , —on the noxt , and not without some appearance nf rnnson . lamented his impassibility , and urged

    him to take up the sword to hurry on the events kept in abeyance by diplomaoy during bo many months . But the Italian was right in deferring to take the decisive step until circumstances actually drove him to it . Those of his countrymen who made a sufficiently vigorous effort to got rid of their oppressors are at the present ttiotnent in tho possession of pretty well all the privileges and advantages which they can desire . Prcoipitancy in tho attempt to consolidate the liberty and freedom they now enjoy might lmvo endangered their privileges . It . was far bettor that they should wait and 00 a tho effect produced by their calm and dignified attitude upon

    v -i • ¦ _/ ' nnn » , inoo Tvhinli thov navo tho decisions of Congress , which they have reason to hope may not bo adverse to thou claims . Shoukl the contrary bo the case , they can then , as a final resort , employ force . By that time , surely , their patience and long , suffering will have disarmed oven tho partiza s oTpoaoe «? any price . At nil events , by Sftk # teJszz& iS horrors and oalimities attendant upon war , since ,

    ¦ while in the very act of waiting , they were materially advancing the interests'for which they woulc have unsheathed the sworu . The tranquility which they at present enjoypermits ' of the stead } growth of all the benefits of civilisation . True the press is not perfectly unfettered , nor are dissenters from the dominant religion of the country utterly unrestrained in their doings and sayings but great allowance Must be ma"de for the impediments placed in the way df the temporary government . In comparison with the vexatious

    restrictions experienced in other parts of tlie Peninsula , the peoples of Central Italy have , even now , cause for self-gratulation and thankfulness . Education art , and science meet with warm encouragement and , all things considered , the indefinite prolongation of the present state of things : te a matte ] which , to the eye of sound sense and moderation might well be preferred to any rash enterprise oj royalist or republican tendency . All suspense , however , we hope is now about to be terminated by the meeting of Congress

    It would scarcely be possible to overrate the delicacy d'Pthe position in which the ' King -of Sardinia has found himself in reference to the Emperor of France . How to proceed , so as to satisfy the . people of Italy without running counter to the wish and policy of Napoleon ITL ,, arid at the same time to maintain his own dignity , has been a problem of no small difficulty . Indeed ,: like the peoples who have declared themselves his subjects , Victor Emmanuel ' s Only safe course has been to assume a waiting attitude , and patiently watch the turn of events . This state of things sufficiently explains the uncertainty which so long attached to the choice of the Sardinian plenipotentiaries . To avoid wounding imperial or regal

    susceptibilities , hints and indirect questions were had recourse to on both sides , and the subject remained enveloped in mystery until the other day . Now it is happily settled , and the man who , more than any other , may be said to represent constitutional freedom in Italy will take a share in the coming deliberations . We look upon Count Cavour as a tower of strength for the Italian cause , and fervently hope

    that the fact of his presence at the Congress will be a guarantee that the rig hts of the peoples wxll be respected , while the claims of order , justice , and legitimate ' power will be kept in view . It is to be hoped that almost all obstacles are overcome , now that the preliminaries are settled and the representatives of each Government are named ; but the difficulties inthe way have been neither few nor slight . All the parties to the treaty of 1815 ,

    consequent upon the Congress ot Vienna , nave naturally claimed a right to be represented a \ the Paris Congress of I 860 ; but all have urged views and pretensions so opposite as almost to render the assembling of a Congress impossible . * irst on the list we may be permitted to place England . Great Britain will take a part in it , but only on the express condition that the wishes of the Italian people shall be respected ; that the treaty of 1856 shall reraaitf untouched , and that , in tact , no other subject than that of Italy-shall be disr .., fiS < ul . Russia , on her part , consents to the

    Ooneress if its powers are unlimited , and other suofects are introduced for discussion without restriction . On no other ground will sho countenance any alteration in th e treaties of 1815 . liussa accepts tho Congress , but wishes the clauses of the treaty of 1815 to remain iu atatu quo , ™ $ *> \ ° tho territorial changes mado upon the Mmcio . Spain sends plenipotentiaries , but claims to stand on an equal Sooting with Prussia , and to bo considered as one of tho groat powers . Sweden is tho only power which has imposed no conditions , but sho would naturally side with Russia , As for aZ * Lin ahn nmMM views totally subversive of

    the principle of non-intervention so loudly proclaimed by France and England , and proposes , that roprcscntativosof thedeposed powers shall be heard in Congress when order shall lmvo boon restored in hehffinions Naples will «?» d plenipptentiarios on condition that no mention is made of a constitution For a long time the Pope refused to take any part , unless hfs revolted subjects , previously rZrnod ' to their ^ Hog ianoe , the ^ vere ^ nty of the whole of his Btatos was guaranteed * ° ^ "JvXeJ 2 mention was to bo made of reform . Ilia Holin ®*» £ : "„" , 7 0 ,, B « nntibiHtios were overcome , rttid

    Cardina AntonelU was preparing to set out < nw mission when lo ! tho pontifical horizon w again dftrkeneciIby the appoafanoe of M . de la Guerron-

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    % fo , 510 . : Efec . 31 , 1859 . ] THE DEADER T 4 T 9

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 31, 1859, page 1419, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2327/page/15/