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A FllENCH CHOWLEIt.* .
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Besides yielding a large sum , licenses would fcmd to make trade more respectabfi . If th * hop duty and the malt duty were abohsbed , and if the beer license were four or five , times as much as ltjs ^ , the low beershops would disappear , the hop-grower and the maltster being- mean while benefited . Our unpaid magistracy is * monstrous itnposture ; Cut we should allow neither paid nor unpaid magistrates to interfere with the Government ' s right to grant licenses . If a man wants to seil spirit ? , or beer , or wine , let him have a license for selling- them ; if he commits an offence against police or other law , let him be punished for the particular act . Is it not in the highest degree unjust to punish him for tlie particular act , and rob him of his means of livelihood too ? A poor cabman does something You fine and imprison him ; that is surely enough ; but
wrong . in addition you decree that he is never to be a cabman more , and this is horrible injustice and cruelty . There is another aspect of taxation closely connected with this : the police is ordered to put down gambling houses and betting houses—it puts down neither ; it cannot put down either ; but it admirably succeeds in giving to vice that intensity and tenacity which make it incurable , ^ lt eacli keeper of a gambling house or of a betting house had to pay a hundred a vear to Government , there would be an important addition to the revenue ; that which now skulks in villanous corners would he open to the gaze of every one , and the control of public opinion would be far more effectual for remedy or prevention than the control of the police . In England , we find ourselves knocking our of Medievalism and
heads every day against two things—the Hump the Rumppf Puritanism . The latter Rump hinders us , as much as English stolidity and nnteachableness , from carrying out a noble plan of taxation . A false Puritanism , besides contradicting : human nature , increases , intensifies every evil that it would cure . Its attempts lately at sivppiessing vice have been supremely ridiculous , and they have simply made the community—too . hypocritical already —infinitely more a hypocrite . This is a theme for the satirist , more than for sober mortals like . ourselves , who want to show how taxation may be alike simple and productive . It is ours only to say that the very wealrjest government in England may now defjr the false puritans ; andv as the principal representative in Parliament of the Rump of Meaisevalism , Mr . Gladstone ought to defy
ifc is more our desire to break ground on the subject of taxation , than to give , fortified by figures and blue' books , a systematic exposition grouped and graceful . Of direct taxation we are the advocates out and out . If we have given prominence to licenses , it is merely as an illustration . Stamp duties are good taxes . A house tax of a shilling in the pouiid , universally levied , but to be paid ia the first instance by the landlord , would be a good tax . But , in truth , so many people live by levying taxes , so many by avoiding them , or by paying an inadequate proportion , so many—ornamental persons—by eating taxes , that it is not so much knowledge as hone of amendment or courage to reform which is wanting . We might spend less than half in levying , yet make the taxes doubly productive ; while we might spendless than half on the army and navy , yet render both more effective . Hail to real financiers ! Hail to real economists
We have a word , by-and-by , to say to the Peelites , and especially about their leader and prophet , Mr . Gladstone . But briefly , we rnay now say that the reflson why the Peelites have failed , not only as financiers and economists , but as statesmen , is that they have more head than heart , more heari than will , and it is will and heart tbafc evermore gain the mastery of the world .
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HAD tin ' s pamphlet of M . G « rardm been on the other side , it would have been entirely Admirable . The acuteness with whioh the arguments are manipulated , the fearlessness with which the author attacks , his opponents , and-above all , the independence of expression which-this " old patriot of' 89 , " as he calls himself , has cultivated , all contribute to form nn important and remarkable production ; and the moat stanch Free-toider may , without compromise ^ praise the tone of this Protectionist writer . In plain truth , however , in order to . understand the full meaning of M . Girardin ' s remarks , it is necessary to regard them as directed much more against the application of Protectionist principles to discussion , than their abolition in commerce ; and though the author is evidently hostile to free-trade , his chief complaint is thafc its supporters in Prance tyrannically suppress " free-trade in proofs and arguments . " In this position every Englishmun must sympathise with M .
Girnrdjn ; nnd however enrneatly we may prefer the vigour and comparative enlightenment of the Imperial regime to the sway of effete J Bonrbonism , or the wrangling anarchy of tlie republic , > ve must deplore the repression of free debute , whether it be demanded by the licence of the national character , or by the caprice of despotic policy . Xtet us hope that the new system which is inaugurated by free jtrade will , at some near period , be crowned with the yet , more important right Of unrestricted discussion . Froo exchange of material £ oods is an inadequate offering-, unless ifc be followed b y permission of equal freedom in circulating and int orclinriging : nt giurients . Free trade in commerce is good , but free trade ini thought is still butter . " Borrowing'hey outlery , instead of her liberty , IVom Eng-lund , is this advancing civilisation' ? " exclaims M > Ginirdin . Yes j but interchange of manufflcturo may very well precede intorolmngo of liberal institutions . As years ndvunqu , and the French nation experiences the benefits of a large expansion of trade , they will begin 111
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to have their lightheartedness and impetuosity tempered by a due admixture of the commercial element , and possibly the end of our centurv" inuy see" Napoleon IV . a , constitutional raonareli , M Girardin takes exception to the commercial treaty with Ehcrland on two grounds , and regards it both ' as inexpedient in itself , and as being a' virtual infringement of the constitution of 1852 when the imperial prerogative was defined . ( 1 . ) On the first ' point , namely , expediency , he argues that all treaties of commerce between two countries are objectionable under any circumstaivces , ' inasmuch as they fetter that free control which every ijation ouo-hfc to have over the management of its own finances . Why should not two great States , by a common agreement , revise their tariffs , each on its own account , and adapt one to the other without mutually shackling their liberty ? _ _
; This objection is borrowed from Mr . Disraeli , who complained against the treaty as u deviation from the principles of political economy , and " a tying of our hands in the administration of our oavii finances . " We do not deny that under ordinary circumstances tins , argument is sufficiently tenable , but there is no principle so universal that the pressure of events and the rise of unexpected incidents in ay not legitimately demand some concession , and too close an adherence to the letter frequently involves the commission of what is absolutely hostile to the spirit . Surely it was politic in
the English ministers to sacrifice to a trifling extent the independent control of finance for the sake of enlarging our commercial field , and of doing our utmost to promote free trade principles ; and it was no less wise and laudable in the French Einperor to un . clertake a measure which , though apparently antagonistic to an established principle of political economy , and unwelcome amongst a selfish and short-sighted class , must certainly tend to an almost unlimited increase of national wealth , and eventually' to the perfect development of the national character and institutions . In short , in politics as
in private life , we are constantly called upon to weigh two principles , either of which abstractly true may become so modified by circumstances as to be ( or the time impracticable ; we are bound to choose which of the two is most expedient . But supposing some anomalous state of things justified the ratification of" a commercial treaty , says M . Girardin , France is not prepared for the application of the competitive principle to her trade : French industry has indeed made marvellous progress , but under a system of moderate protection , and not of free trade . " English commerce and English industry have required almost a hundred and fifty years of . the protective system to create their great firms , and to amass those enormous capitals which enable theni to compete against the whole of Europe ; and yet you wish
our industry and our commerce , which scarcely dates from J ; he empire , which has not yet had more than fifty years for its growth , which lias only been able to accumulate capital for the last thirty years of peace ; you wish our industry to accept the rivalry of the industry of England ; you want to pit the child against the fullgrown man ! " But , says the advocate of free trade , if this system has met with such admirable success in England for the lost % en years , why should it not woik equally well in France ? To which M . Girardin iinpetuously answers , . '" Ask all the statesmen of our time how it is that parliamentary government , which is the cause of England ' s strength and greatness , yet can never , as they constantly assert , become firmly established in this country . * 1
They will at . oncetell you that our customs and our ideas are entirely different from , those of England ; that we have not the same feelings or the same character ; that our past history , our continental situation , our civil institutions— -everything , in short , is different frorn """ England . It is only our commerce , then , atid our industry which can be put under an English system without inconvenience and without danger ; it is in this only that we can resemble England ! In . every thing else , complete difference , but on this point an . absolute harmony : such is the decision of the free traders . I would lend myself readily enough to a free exchange between . France , and England in laws , institutions , and parliaments : such free trade is forbidden , on account , they say , of the profound differences between the two countries : it is only free exchange of
goods that is allowed , " ( p . X 4 i , ) This is specious arguing-, and will have more than ordinary weight with the French nation , who not only recognise but grlory in that entire dissimilarity of character which undeniably subsists between themselves and their " natural enemies" across the . qhannel ; but the fact that parliamentary government has not hitherto worked well in France , proves nothing- with regard to the probable operation of tho competitive principle in tradb ; neither does it by any means follow that ; because a free constitution does not brjng" the same tranquillity to France as , it does to England , therefore' free commerce will not advance the material prosperity of Fruneo in the same proportion , and eventually to the same extent , us it has done that of England . A man may be an inferior statesman , but , a
firstrate merchant . So a people may display no aptitude for govern * ment , and yet prove unrivalled in transactions of commerce . Tho French have mude a trial of the representative system in legislature , and with imporfecfc succep # ; that comparative fa ilure should bo no obetiiole to a trial of' -owv system in the department of trade . I ) octrincs of government ) or thoorica of legislation are of necessity partially erupirical ; but the principles of political economy—and F , ree Trade is oiio of them—aro little short of demonstrative truths . ( 2 . ) M . Girurdin ' s Q ^ iof objection , however , to the Treaty of Conm / orce js batted om c * onfl < itutio »/» l g-rounde . By a decree of the Senate , of December 20 , 1852 , full power was ^ iven to tho Eiyperor to make n treaty of conunorco without consulting 1 fclje Corps Xag i ^ latiff but on that occoeion the Semite , feeling legitimate npprohen-
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034 The Leader and SaMwdcuij Anal yst . [ March 10 , 1860 .
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^¦¦ T * an wm «* 4 * w > 4 i ~^*» i nmn » m » fi ¦ f '""' 1 ' ' -.--- ; ¦¦ Vm * 'I" *' •'" ¦ V" *>^* "W ¦ . l > - -i- ¦• " •• i 1 it ., jh ^ t ^ ¦!¦» .. ^ . upbii i i i ( . ^ .... ii . . ¦¦ | i * l iw ^ mww ^ * JDet Tvaitia do Cwwarco . ttalpn Iff Constitution do 1962 . Pur M . Saint-MaroOmAXVPXN . Paris : Olnarpoiitleri 18 QQ . '
A Fllench Chowleit.* .
A FllENCH CHOWLER . * .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 10, 1860, page 234, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2337/page/14/
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