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    MADRAS MINUTE.—OTHER FRUITS,

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    Untitled Article

    £ 12 The Leader and Saturday Analyst . [ June 2 , I 860 . , ^_ ' , i ' .- ¦ ¦ . . ¦ ; . — . . - . . ¦ . ¦ ¦ ' ' ' ¦ ' / 1 1 ' i

    Untitled Article

    „ . - ... . -. » I _ _ __ _* legislate for the effectual diminution of electoral . corruption . The results of the system are seen not only in the extravagance and waste of public departments ,., or , the lamentable slowness with which business is transacted , but also in the povertystricken character of parliamentary intelligence . There is a o-eneral complaint of the predominance obtained by the Manchester School ; but that predominance , however dangerous or mischievous , is the natural consequence of the fact that a body of more than six hundred and fifty senators cannot supply a

    Single statesman and popular leader who can be a reformer without being a demagogue , and who can command the support of the nation for wise and progressive schemes . The debate on the appointment of the Committee on Precedents merely threw the people back , as they have been thrown back before , upon Lord John Russell , who played with the Jew question for many weary years , until at length the House of Commons plucked up courage enough to settle it , not to maintain a principle , but to get rid of a bore . Mr . Thomas Duncombe being without hope that the Plouse of Commons would make a bold stand for what , under the name of its privilege , is really a

    popular right , moved an amendment to smooththings over , and o-ive the Lords an opportunity of passing in November the bill which they thought they had got rid of in May . The House of Commons is bound to stand up for the popular principle ; but if the Lords like the bridge Mr . Buncombe offers for their retreat , by all means let them have it , as the question would be virtually settled the moment that a retreat was arranged . Mr . Bright , as usual , contributed no sagacious counsel , and his compliments to the Peers and anxiety for . 'their dignity did not , after his platform declamations , add much to his own . Mr . "Roebuck had nothing to say to the purpose . His parliamentary health was in its usual state , and he did not suffer one of those

    epileptic fits of patriotism and utility which in other times made him famous and popular . , If Lord JOHN can get support out of doors , he is by far the most-likely man to ,, fight the battle with some ability and zeal . The same parties who ^ wish to stretch the authority of the irresponsible branch of the Legislature hate his Reform Bill , and think Ms foreign policy too liberal . The country shoaM

    therefore encourage him to go on , and a check will thus be giveir to the reactionary Whig and Tory cabal . Lord I ^ almerston is evidently alive to the difficulties of his position , and made a more liberal speech about Sicily on Friday night than has fallen from his lips for some considerable time . If the Lords are permitted- ' to enjoy the advantage of their encroachment upon popular rights , we shall soon see the result of their influence in the shape of a war on behalf of Continental despotism " looming

    in the distance / ' and also in tll ^ bTtnlloTrme ^ Parliamentary . Reform , ' On the other hand , if hereditary irresponsibility is compelled to give way , the Manchester party can only be gainers if they are - permitted to stand alone in defence of principles which those who despise their policy have an equal interest in causing to prevail . There is an opportunity for forming a national party , but to succeed it must be upon a broad basis , and thoroughly English in its sentiments and ideas .

    Untitled Article

    Ti- 1 , « — ^ i-.-.-iX 1 rt > -l nt-fi n » i « »> 1 ir 4-1- * i" \ Vkl f \ J- » l / l" C * i ~ Vflnm ' rf" \ T f I f ^ ll Q"I" 1 TT 1 1 I QAI !•« It has ruffled amazingly the placid stream ' of delightful selfconceit in which the officials at Calcutta were swimming . Mr . Wilson has uttered , in jQouncil , an' angry remonstrance * against the " wanton indiscretion of Sir Charles Trevelyan . " The Government ( i . e ., Mr . Wilson ) stands on its " dignity and responsibility . " It is only " to be impelled ( he boasts ) to stronger efforts to develop , for the public good , all the advantages which we ti .

    must flow from the course we have recommended that Council to adopt . " He expresses his full conviction ( and till we read his assertion we had never entertained a doubt on the subject ) " that every public officer in the service of the Crown will give his full support to administer the law . " Sir Charles Trevelyan may be relied on to do that , though his criticism on a mere project has excited extreme terror in his brother officials .

    The Governor-General , who had gone to seek repose m the cool shades of Simla , has hurried back to the stilling atmosphere of the capital . All the arrangements of the Court , and of all the dependants on the Court , are thrown into disorder . What a hubbub of disappointment this must have occasioned we can easily conceive ; and the wrath of those whom it has affected at Calcutta finds , through the reflected wrath of officials here , expression in newspapers and reviews . That Sir Charles Trevelyan has annoyed very bitterly many officials , both in India and in England , is clear . We class their sufferings as

    some of the first fruits of the Madras Minute ; but the public will not regard even the health-giving repose of the Governor-General , the unruffled satisfaction of Mr . Wilson , and the unquestioned preservation of Sir Charles Wood's supremacy as the end ¦ ¦ ' of all government . This is intended "to promote the public good , " as Mr . Wilson professes ; to " advance the happiness of the people of Hindostan , " as the Hindostanee exposition of the new taxes tells-the multitnde ,---which are more likely / t@-be effected by alamung the gentlemen at" Calcutta , and exciting , attention to their acts , than by encouraging theni and others to believe that their policy is perfection .

    ~ For years the Government of India has professed to make the welfare of the subservient people the basis of its policy . It has endeavoured to promote education , and has given them a small share of political power . It has permitted them to have newspapers of their own . It has -professed to apply to India the principles of English freedom . Mr . Wilson's budget was boastingly an advance in this direction . It was to submit to the people of India a system of well-ordered finance like , that of England , and make them willing contributors to a ¦ Government that laboured only for their benefit . The press of India spoke of it on this account with admiration . In common with other

    "" journals , we liatlelTflic ~ fiTBt ~ aTiaoTOT ( rc ^ We are far from pretending , even now to judge between its merits and Sir Charles Trevelyan's criticism , but we see that even Mr . Wilson's admirers , both in England and Calcutta , condemn some portions of his scheme . We know , too , with certainty , that Sir Charles justly denounced the greediness of the officials at Calcutta for revenue and for meddling ' , and as this is ruinous in every part of Europe he was at least entitled to an indulgent hearing from those who profess . to make the public welfare—not their own—the guide of their conduct .

    THE " first fruits of the Madras Minute" are murmunngs of opposition in the native journals to the new financial scheme of the Government , and corresponding alarm and wrath in the Calcutta officials . Thereupon the frightened vulgar , both in India arid England , though amongst them are found journalists who claim to be regarded as great and earnest thinkers , hurry to the conclusion that the minute is provocative of rebellion , and sure to be very disastrous . They forget that to be forewarned is forearmed , and thnt he who causes latent discontent to be manifested is the means not of exciting , but preventing rebellion . On their fears , however , born entirely of their own fancy , they pronounce a severe condemnation of the conduct of

    Sir Charles Trevelyan . Reflecting men have long- ago learnt that the first fruits of any action are not sufficient to determine its character , and though these be apparently terrific they may fee fleeting , yirhilethe secondary -or ultimate fnnts may be lastingly beneficial . We see , in fact , that the Madras Minute has at once awakened in the confident and jubilant press of Calcutta , and in that of London , some misgivings , a more cautious spirit , and a desire to * scrutinize measures which at first were , 1 'eceiv ^ d with extravagant delight , At once , , too , it has made the officials more careful even in making them angry , and the second fruit of tho Madras Minute is to produce greater circumspection in dealing with the new financial scheme . First appearances are notoriously deceitful , and those who have so peremptorily decided against the " Madras Minute " on account of its first fruits have been taken in . . ' ... ' .

    To our dismay—to the utter destruction of all confidence in the professions of officials—the first note of enlightened criticism on the budget from a high authority lias provoked intense wrath , and been mot by instant dismissal . What , can we or any rational persons believe—what will the people of llindostan believe , but that professions to serve aro mere pretexts to plunder them ? They are invited to speak , and when one speaks in their behalf , he is immediately punished like n mutineer . The officials in India , like the despots of Europe , prove by such proceedings , that they aro hostile to the freedom of discussion , which they profess to court .

    We are informed by the latest arrivals that there are disturbances in the indigo districts , that in several places there are contests with the hill tribes . There are " frequent outbreaks , both in the east and the west . " The country is threatened " witli an incessant state of border warfare . " " Eastern Bengal , a district regarded hitherto as the very abode of peace and contentment , " seems a prey to disorders . All these alarming circumstances exist , wholly independent of Sir 0 . Thevelyan's

    minute . Formerly , we had to wage a war now and then with some barbarian Rajah , — -now we have to provide for tho well are of a multitudinous people . They will never love us , being the heirs of their old tyrants . From us they differ in all things , in complexion , speech , manners , and religion ; and the terrible apprehensions of them which crop out in tho proceedings of the Calcutta council , aitd not the Madras Minute , aro the true and alarming sources of the fears of rebellion whioh tint I i * accused of provoking . By tho caution it has already generated , it i&

    Madras Minute.—Other Fruits,

    MADRAS MINUTE . —OTHER FRUITS ,

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), June 2, 1860, page 512, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2350/page/4/