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THE SUPPLEMENTAL BUDGET. had inos't disa
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I*OBD PERMOY'S MOTION.
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A CERTAIN order of snobbish politicians have constituted themselves special defenders of the House of Lords . Animated by the mo $ t painful flunkeyism , they can only be contented , when an hereditary peerage manages their affairs . Ordinary mortals are satisfied - when Mr . Jones the merchant , or Bbown the spinner , with hundreds of other commoners sitting in the " Lower House , " settle the concerns of the nation ; but our " fine folks" regard subserviency to Lords as the purple and fine linen of their existence , and consider their gentility elevated whenever
they degrade their humanity into a servile worship of a few hundred landowners who have grand handles to their names . The National—that queer production , a Tory-Unitarian review—is perfectly convinced that the Lords are the greatest blessing we live under , and the most perfect representation of public opinion . Happily the country thinks otherwise ; and , without flunkeyism on the one hand , or rampant equality doctrines on the other , ean survey the scene with a rational if an angry eye . An hereditary peerage is not a thing conformable to any sound doctrine of physiology or politics . Great qualities of mind and morals
cannot be made to descend by summons of the Crown , nor does the peerage practice of breeding in and in find itself supported by learned savants or successful graziers . Moreover , if the children of the aristocracy—^ the peer tadpoleswere really better than the progeny of Nokes and Styi . es , their surroundings are not the best suited to develop the , loftier capabilities of their nature . Legal arrangements invest them with compulsory riches , almost beyond the power of : ¦ ¦' ¦ their imprudence to destroy . They can obtain honours without desert ,, wealth without work , and eminent position in the State , without possessing
the abilities or the industry to discharge the duties which belong to the offices they hold . They are brought up in / idlenessandconceit , andtaught t ^ at t ^ hey are fine piorcer lain , while the classes below then ! ate only crockery and earthenware . ' As a body , they contribute nothing to our science ^ pur literature , or our art . Very few of their names are inscribed upon any roll of fame , and their best apologists do not rate them higher than the heavy ballast which fs to steady ^ he vessel of" ^ the State . At the best a , peerage is a provisional institution , to adjust a balance in the absence of an overruling power of enlightened opinion . selfmterest
It may be well that certain forms qf - connected with cotton spinning and trade should be balanced by another form of self-interest connected with land-owning upon an artificial and gigantic scale b ut we hope that society tends to soriiething better than the multual check of class interests , and that we are moving on towards the time when virtue and intellect wiTTbe the best claims to honour , and the wisest opinions will be the most certain to prevail , lio political philosopher would encourage assaults upon an old institution like the English Peerage , either for the sake of gratifying destructiveness , or of obtaining a greater conof GovernmentIt is to
formity to a mere theory . easy see the useful work which the peers may do if they choose ; and as they have capacities for utility that are not yet exhausted , our efforts should be to make them useful , and ^ not to sweep them away . At present they are in the false position of active insurrection against the progressive principles of our time . As drags upon the wheels , checking but not stopping motion , their utility might . be admitted ; but when they attempt to reverse the engine , and carry us backwards into dark tunnels from which we have emerged , then they assume functions that they cannot be permitted to exercise , with due regard tp tho safety of the State .
No one expects good measures to originate in the House of Lords , and the country is grateful when they permit any to pass through ,. This Ought to have satisfied our hereditary legislators , but , with abundant complicity in the House of Commons , and the faint applause of decaying newspapers and reactionary reviews , they claim to preserve all their own priviloges ^ and to share those of the Commons besides . .
but virtually betrayed the cause which they had espoused and the party which , they pretended to lead . Not being able to get the Manchester school to agree tp anything , Lord Fermoy determined to make another endeavour to re-open the question by proposing a resolution that affirmed—as Lord Palmebston , Mr . Gladstone , Lord J . Russell , Sir Geobge Gbey , Mr . Collier and Mr . Bou-VEBrE did on the committee— 'that the conduct of the Lords
was an " innpvation ; " and which likewise affirmed that the House of Commons ought to adopt some practical action to repel it . The Manchester party determined to oppose this on the ground that it would be lost , and the Liberal cause damaged by such a result . When it came before the House the Premier—who could not venture to deny its affirmation , and who must have quarrelled with Mr . Gladstone if he had expressly voted for doing nothing—proposed to get rid of it by proposing the " previous question . "
The House had , therefore , to decide whether they would vote upon the question or not , and the Liberals rescued Lord PalmebS'TON from his awkward position by following his lead , while the Tories , who reckoned upon him as their Premier , voted with Lord Febmoy in the hope that at the next step they would receive his present support . Mr . Bright ' s party pretend that they have saved us froni a defeat , but , in point of fact , they have done much to the division
ensure impunity for the Premier ' s tricks . If had gone the other way , either Lord Palmebston must have staked the existence of his Cabinet upon the carrying of Lord ITermoy ' s motion , or he must have made another pointed advance towards the Tories , and have thrown off his Liberal mask . Under these circumstances , his Cabinet must have "broken up , and we should soon have had a dissolution of Parliament , and a general election would have returned a new House of Commons in no temper to play
the part of lacqueys to the lords . _ All through the Session Lord Pai-mebston seems to have reckoned that he could tame the Cerberus of the
Manchester party , and his followers , hy the sop of the French Treaty . For that they mildly submitted to postpone Reform , and lest they should throw the slightest impediment in- ' the way-pfIts completion , they have submitted to his palpable treachery in sehemin ^ arid hatching the conspiracy of the House of Lords . , , It is to be regretted that Mr . Gladstone _ should have depreciated Lord FebMOy ' s motion , but he is heart and soul with the people , and if a Well-advised plan of action is concocted by the Liberals , there can be no doubt it will have his hearty support . Next week the paper question must come on . again in a new shape . The Treaty with
France must be fulfilled , and British paper makers will have TTT ? laTmTto ~ eTTn ^ paper introduced for a duty less than the impost theyv pay . Some portion of the Paper Duty iitust , therefore , be remitted , and it would be competent for any independent member to propose that it should be entirely given up , or , at any rate , not collected for a year . There may be some advantage in the latter course , as it offers the Lords a new proposition , which is perhaps advisable . Arrangements should also be made to make it impossible to collect the Paper Duty tinder the present law , which is capricious and unfair in its oneration . and has only been submitted to in
the belief that the duty would soon pass away . Lord Fermoy and Sir John Trelawny will stand well with the country for the important services they both performed , and the inhabitants of Marylebon © will not be surprised that their legal member did not display his eloquence or record his vote in their support . If the Manchester party have either integrity or intelligence , they will endeavour to atone for their culpable inaction by doing something next week . They should not fear temporary defeat , and if they possess no moral courage , tho sooner the independent Liberals disown them the bettor . Brightonhas shpwu its opinion . by returning Mr . wuitjs
the Chairman of the Constitutional Defence Committee , aiid he should lose no time in consulting with Sir J . Tbelawnt and Lord Puttwoy , who have shown , that they are not airaid to ^ actv— - ;— - ~ ~ T ~——— — —— - — - --
———Mr . Gladstone ' s great speech indicated plainljM-mpugh tlie ^ pl-oprlety " of "Hieclongthe LoFds T ) y ^ bills of ; supply a clauee either repealing the Paper Duty , or what would under all circumstances be better , one suspending its collection for the current year . For Borne' curious reasons of incapacity or cowardice , Mr . Bttiemu aud his party did not adopt this course , but permitted votea to bo taken as quietly as if no aggression had occurred . They did not ; even combine to threaten Lord PAfcHEasTON with any epecifio opposition
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ON Monday Mr . Gladstone a disagreeable tusk ; It became his oilicial duty to provido for that China War which the , imbecility of un aristoomtic negotiator , and a rash-admiral managed to get up . No om > likes this war , and perhapa no one expeots it cun huve ti afttisfaotory
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¦ J tHiYi-21 I 860 . ] ^ h ? Saturdayy Analyst an # Leader . 667
The Supplemental Budget. Had Inos't Disa
had most THE SUPPLEMENTAL BUDGET .
I*Obd Permoy's Motion.
L . OBD FERMOY'S MOTION .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), July 21, 1860, page 667, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2357/page/3/
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