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nament of his age , then came from those whose rank and stations ought to have given thefn influence , the slow desire to desist . How was this desire expressed , and how reprobated a conduct , subversive of every principle of civilized society ? " Friends and
fellow-churchmen ! we know you by the crosses and the banners you bear . You have now done enough in this pious cause . What farther you do , you and we , your friends , must pay
for . Your farther exertions might be laudable , but they would be too expensive . " If holding such degrading language to a riotous mob could prevent mischief till assistance arrived ; if it could save a house from the
dames , much more a life , perhaps the sense of strict propriety might yield without blame , to the immediate impulse of compassion ; but if neither of these was done , how contemptible !
If they who held it were now ashamed of it , so much the more was it incumbent upon them anfl government to do away the impression it might have made , and to declare their
abhorrence of acts , which they , in a moment of weakness , seemed not to disapprove . He hoped , therefore , that if an opportunity offered , this would still be done ; and he had insisted on it the more largely , as he thought an occasion might not ' offer ef noticing it in parliament again .
39 * Speeches on motion for leave to bring in a Bill for Relief of Unitarians . ( May 11 , 1792 . ) The order of the day being read , Mr . Fox rose , and called the attention of the House to the business
of which he had given notice , relative to the repeal of certain penal statutes respecting religious opinions . He said , he had the satisfaction to hope , that the mode in which he
should propose to discuss this subject could not fairly be said to involve consideration ^ of government , as had been alleged on former occasions , with regard to some topics which he had brought forward . The measure which he should recommend on this
occan was , in his opinion , not only fit * n a country where the constitution was free , but such as he should recommend even in a state where the government was despotic , because it was founded on justice , and was perfectly aafe in policy . If , then , he
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should have little doubt of the propriety of the measure , even were the appeal made to a despotic prince , how much more confident ought he to be of success , where the application was made to a British parliament ! From a constitution so good , good fruits were to be expected .
The subject he meant to bring forward was one on which much had been written , and with regard to which , abstractedly considered , almost all mankind agreed—this was toleration . All agreed that toleration was in itself abstractedly just . But difficulties had arisen in the minds of
some persons , though in his own there never had ; these difficulties had arisen as to the application of the principles of toleration . Much of this difficulty was thrown in his way when he formerly raoved for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts .
He appealed to those who opposed him at that time , whether they did not do so upon the ground he had stated * They alleged , that though toleration itself abstractedly was a matter of justice , yet to extend it at that time , under the then existing
circumstances , to the persons on whose behalf he urged it , was politically unsafe . He was now therefore ready to confess , although he lamented the necessity of it , that for the present he had abandoned the idea of a repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts . He should , however ,
not fail to renew that application whenever he should have the least encouragement or prospect of success . It had been said by some persons , that although toleration was of itself abstractedly matter of justice , yet , that in political speculation it should
never be allowed to intrench upon , or endanger existing establishments . The converse of this appeared to him to be true policy , and that no defence of any establishment whatever should be built on principles repugnant to toleration . Toleration was not to be
regarded as a thing convenient and useful to a state , but a thing in itself essentially right and just . He , therefore , laid it down as his principle , that those who lived in a state where
there was an establishment of religion could fairly be bound only by that part of the establishment which was consistent with the pure principles of toleration . What were those princi-
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Charles James Fox . 679
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Citation
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Monthly Repository (1806-1838) and Unitarian Chronicle (1832-1833), Nov. 2, 1815, page 679, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/mruc/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1766/page/15/
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