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Untitled Article
sentatton as enlightened and effectual as it might be , and , as it seems to us , of keeping the conscience df the representative clear * and the harmony between him and his constituents unbroken . Suppose , for instance , trade in some manufacturing district is at
a stand from a dispute about wages . Masters and men desire their representative to advocate a fixed rate of wages . If he does so , he commits an egregious blunder ; if he declines without having a good reason to give , he offends his constituents . Hd ought to be able to explain to them the absurdity of their request , to point out the real cause of their troubles , and to state what he
dan attempt for its removal . But this is more , it seems , than has hitherto been expected of the representatives of the people , whd have tardily and imperfectly learned from the irresistible evidence of events , those truths at which the intelligent among their people had arrived long before by a shorter cut . Thus it has been and thus it is ; and since it is so , the people must begin by informing themselves , if they wish for a better state of things . It is evident that they cannot even be sure of choosing their representatives better till they are clear as to what is requisite in their member , and can judge whether he possesses the requisites . The people-then must become practically acquainted with the principles of political economy , before they can expect to have their interests properly taken care of by the government .
Nor is this less necessary , supposing the ruling portion of the commonwealth as well-informed respecting its duties as it ought to be . The execution of their measures depends upon the people , and enlightened co-operation is essential to their success . There would be little use in the removal of restrictions if voluntary monopolies still subsisted . If the abuses of the pauper system
were abolished , and the wisest of all possible measures substituted , its operation would be impaired if the public persisted in giving alms and maintaining soup charities , and clothing charities , and other well-meant institutions which do nothing but harm . We do not meau that such a broad difference between government and people could long subsist while the government was in the right ; but in proportion to the errors of the people would sound
public measures fail of their effect ; and in proportion to the cordial co-operation of the people would be their efficacy . Whether , then , the government be wise or foolish , ignorant or informed , it concerns the people to understand their own interests , —i . e . to
learn political economy . Viewing this science as we do , —as involving the laws of social duty and social happiness , —we hold it as a positive obligation on every member of society who studies and reflects at all , to inform himself of its leading principles . If he cares at all about the faithful discharge of his functions in the position he holds , he must feel himself obliged to learn what those functions are , and how they ttiay be- best discharged . He would not place himself
Untitled Article
SNf OH the Duty of Studying Political ' Economyl
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Citation
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Monthly Repository (1806-1838) and Unitarian Chronicle (1832-1833), Jan. 2, 1832, page 26, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/mruc/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1804/page/26/
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