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    judice . They suppress , or restrict , much of the productions of those who would write to teach , and encourage those who write to sell , creating literary monopolies which minister to any prejudice that happens to be extensive enough amongst the buying class to return good interest upon the outlay of capital . Above

    all , the relative condition of the working classes cannot remain the same . A different principle in the distribution of wealth must gradually make its way into society , and speedily commence its operation . It cannot be necessary to civilized society , that the producers of its wealth should be kept on the very borders of starvation , and paupers succeed to paupers , world without

    end . It cannot be necessary that the interests of the lower classes , and of all above them , should be in a state of interminable and bitter hostility . It cannot be necessary that intelligent men should spend their lives in intense thought and exertion , of which only a small fraction tends to the benefit of the community , the rest being directed to successful competition with their rivals in trade or commerce . These evils have made themselves felt through the whole frame of society . The perception of them has generated the science of political economy , and with it a multitude of theories , true or false , all shewing that some change is impending and inevitable , though its precise nature may not yet be so distinctly seen as to be confidently

    delineated . Hence it is , from the pressure of these various evils , that all hearts and hopes have been fixed upon that measure which , more than any other , tends to the extinction or mitigation of them all—a reform in the Commons House of Parliament . The introduction of this measure by the Government is the great event of the year . It is an event which , taken with its adjuncts and results , has shed an instructive light upon all the parties

    concerned . The Sovereign has been placed in a more trying position than any monarch of these realms since the accession of the House of Hanover . His personal firmness has been severely tested . Hitherto it has stood triumphantly , nor can we now doubt its endurance to the end . His conduct is the more magnanimous as the prepossessions of his station must have been with the opponents of reform ; or at most could only have inclined

    towards some of those partial and colourable plans which would have left the powers of legislation and taxation , as to all practical purposes , in the same hands as heretofore . He has done more for royalty than all the crowned heads of Europe , with ali' their state , and diplomacy , and armed hosts , could possibly have effected . The man has made the king . The loyalty which had become merely conventional , a point of etiquette , one of the forms and usages of society , has suddenly vivified into a feeling and an affection . The nation does not and ought not to pay

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    $ State and Prospects of the Country .

• Citation
  • Monthly Repository (1806-1838) and Unitarian Chronicle (1832-1833), Jan. 2, 1832, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/mruc/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1804/page/4/