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    The French Revolution of 1830 . 75 %

    Untitled Article

    be called a revolution than that which , within the last few months , has given a new impulse to our own , country . It maybe true that there exist in France many patriotic and thinking men , who see great evils in the constitution of their government , and who have ,, in their own minds , thoroughly digested the ideas upon which their hope for France relies . That there is such a oartv

    cannot be doubted , nor that it existed with the same opinions , the same wishes and hopes , at the time when the change in the person of the chief magistrate of France took place . To these men , most of whom are in some manner connected with the public press , may be fairly ascribed the praise of having incited the population of Paris to resistance to the ' Ordinances . ' The people of Paris rose , as one man , to oppose that actual and definite attack

    upon the ? very foundations of the social compact . But , as towards the great mass of the men who fought in the contest of the three days , the injury was exact and obvious , so was their remedy . We believe , that the political feeling which actuated the majority of the Parisian mob was simply , — ' we have for our king , a man without a sense of public justice and obligation ; we

    know him to be of the race of incurables ; let us expel him from the office for which he has proved himself to be unfit , and place there a more suitable person / The men of genius had higher hopes and aims ; they believed that , in addition to a weak and selfish monarch , they had faulty institutions . They thought that the latter tended mainly to induce the former evil ; and they desired , in changing the one , to reconstruct the other also . It is in

    this that they were mistaken : they over-estimated the political education of the body of the French people , and , as it afterwards proved , the political honesty of many of their most trusted representatives . The nation was not , in July , 1830 , prepared unanimously to desire a change in their form of government . They

    hoped to amalgamate popular government with the respectability of the monarchical name . How far the efforts of Carlists an < i Philippists may now have induced them to alter their opinion , remains to be proved . They may have reaped the knowledge of experience , —applicable alike to political and social arrangements , —that anomalous means are not likely to produce unity of effect . The fact of so great a change as that of the ruling dynasty , wholly

    unforeseen by all but a numerically inconsiderable portion of the people , having been effected in three days , might be sufficient to warrant the presumption , that the plans , so hastily adopted , would be insufficient to the emergency . The very fact of its being a revolution of three days may account for its proving so useless a revolution .

    Between the publication of the obnoxious decrees , which took place on the 26 th of July , and the general uprising of the city , there intervened but a few hours . Measures of resistance were conceived ; men were called to think and to act without preme-

• Citation
  • Monthly Repository (1806-1838) and Unitarian Chronicle (1832-1833), Nov. 2, 1832, page 757, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/mruc/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1824/page/37/