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    Untitled Article

    Immi $ ® h t ^ fPP . yeajr ^ t \ f wl 4 9 BW Spty Wit ^ fied tte people tlien , but would have left them desiring nothing novv . Jfnsitead of which , the conduct ptri £ f 4 ^^^ House has inspired distrust among the working classes towards th 0 constituency . And they are now loudly rejecting jtlie JJallot without the extension of the suffrage . Yqu may , perchance , say that you Jiave not the power if to

    you h ^ ad the will pas s good measures . Admitti ng this , why do you then so needlessly step forward between the Lorcjs and fjhe country , to receive odium which is the perquisite of Peers ? li ^ jiy do you so chivalrously volunteer to father hatred which is the heirloom of your foes ? Why have you volunteered resistance already to nearly half a score of . popular motions this Session ?

    One of the largest evils of your policy is your impression tfyat there is nothing so devoutly to be dreaded as your loss of office . ikh- ¦• & M which has involved so many of your worthiest supporters in discreditable compromise of opinion , and has damaged ypur Ministry with conscientious men . Principle is constantly pacriGced to the temporary ascendancy of party . 'This is an

    error in policy quite as great as in morality . Your Ministry ha § no basis but on justice . Nothing could more vitally serve it $ ian t | ie imperishable credit of resigning office rather than VMQni $ in it on ground which should deviate one inch from the defalcation of right . The certain failure of your foes to uphold It on their own quicksands would re-establish your government on the broadest basis of Reform . If you would but dare to

    fbl-X&W W * Jb : your own principles , regardless alike of fear or favour , there would be no need for Mr Hume to pat you on $$ * $ back , or for the patronage of Mr O ' Connell . You would have t ^ e tmivn of R eformers without the necessity of asking lor it , simply because you deserved it ; and its possession woiijd fo-^\ ire you t | ie victoty over a faction whom the absence of th ^ it pinion undeniably empowers . l !)| ie Ministerial course on the Ballot has done infinilseiy niore

    4 p < Jlssever union than the Church Rate Bill ji # division among Refornjers is inevitable ; , and recollect

    ;; , ? Mosf irra ^ ipnally , for at Jeaet three-fourths of the present OQnstituency are iabouc as insdeeut of Alie virtual choice of tlieir j « representatives n as the Great MSg ^ l . t to a iti ^ UitUde of counties , arid in nearly all the small boroughs , the MiKMuoli who ^ psse ' ss spfficlent power to enforce the return , and Wbo , when ItlM ^ t Ifl lt oont «^ t , fight th ^ battle exclusively amon ^ thernseWes , do not certainly eayeragt nix % V ' f ^ thei » 0 & ? thi oftiy p ^ dpie who will have a ' r % h t-ltf ' ' { M tWfcfiifil ^ t ^ ni , untilthe Ballot enfranehisei the constituency . The Ballbt , there-IW »> jmmM ill itself L * an extension of the Suffrage .

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    ago the $ ^ lo jwmi H $ jQptfate'tfa mm &wtm \

• Citation
  • Monthly Repository (1806-1838) and Unitarian Chronicle (1832-1833), May 1, 1837, page 266, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/mruc/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1831/page/11/