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    it is entirely the work © f your own . fraud . , ypji cannot expect , the people to unite in your behalf against the enemies . injS ^ whom you unite gainst them . Sir William Moleswortli forewarned you of the peril yoiji incurred . See how glorious a course was open to you , before , tbe fetal 7 th of March . Had you then rallied the whole

    country around your standard , at the first rejection by the Peers of a liberal measure , you might with perfect success and complete safety have tendered your resignation to his Gracious Majesty , ^ nd have thrown the Tories on their own resource ^ fox , carrying on the Government . An appeal to the country would have returned , at the very smallest computation , a majority of 100 for Reform . As it is , in every open place in the kingdom , wherever a mere Whig stands there will likewise be a Radical

    candidates—the result will , in all probability , be a Tory and Radical House , of which the former will indubitably preponderate , and your own party be reduced to a melancholy remnant , insufficient to maintain its separate existence . It will die tih £ death of the Derby Dill y 5 and Sir Robert Peel and the " bold Baron" will weather the storm from without as best they may , little discomposed by Whig wailing or ex-Mmfeterial

    remorse . My Lord , whilst the Whigs and Tories are splitting h ^ irs , and the Parliamentary Radicals are gravely sitting in judgment on the operation , a new power is quietly organising ks strer ^ th and preparing to enter the lists . It requires no very dee £ knowledge of the times to perceive that the attitude of the masses

    is their prominent feature . I have always thought that , Jhad the Reformed Mouse redressed the grievances of the people ; tjuij ; had they realised cheap Government and equal laws , the millions would have rested satisfied with the electoral power , ojf -the thousands . I believe so still . But what has been the case ? 'fhe real advances in freedom , which have signalisecl this ceriSfcm ^ r , take date prior to the Reform Bill . Class interests have regaiiied their ascendancy over the interests of the many ; and the maritf

    are no longer satisfied with a state of representation whiqh realises merely the privileges of those who legislate , and Whiql } is inefficient reven to give effect to the will of a limited constituency . Your opposition to JPeera ^ e Reform i $ becoming a direct stimulus to revolt . The power of the Peers is ft bafn&r to

    all further Reform . The hope of its giving way is daily itiofre jp&t * pably futile . You declare yourself unalterabl y opposed to th ^ removal of this barrier . What is then the practical lesdoii all further Reform . The hope of its ffiviqg way is daily itiote bal * pably futile . You declare yourself unalterabl y opposed to th ^ removal of this barrier . What is then the practical lesdoii Y * m are teaching , biifc that jtEVOLufio ^ must tn $ ffl& Refohm ? Yoji |^ ve |» ld i ^ i > , eQip ^^ ^ determination ought to b | t

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    Hints to the Home Secretary ^

• Citation
  • Monthly Repository (1806-1838) and Unitarian Chronicle (1832-1833), May 1, 1837, page 267, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/mruc/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1831/page/12/