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    necessity for this u encouragement" subsists only with the corrupt influences , which the Ballot removes . Men left to act free of constraint will hardly require ^ encouragement " to follow the dictates of their own inclination . Influence on opinion , the Ballot so far from hindering , most cogently aids . This view of the mental benefit of the Ballot

    has hardly been sufficiently enforced . The candidate excluded from obtaining his election either by purchase or compulsion , must necessarily have recourse to the influences on judgment . The opinion of a man of estimable character and reputed discretion , will have added weight in the absence of compulsory

    motives , which destroy option , and nullify judgment . The Ballot will , moreover , afford an immense stimulus to the acquirement of knowledge . Men will have a motive for thinking , and an interest in intelligence . It will no longer be immaterial to them whether they be ignorant or informed . The salutary influence will be common both to candidate and constituent ; the moral

    influences will expand , and benefit both . Arguments will be addressed to the mind and affections , and no longer to the fears or passions of the people . Each contest will be a test of principles instead of purses . Worth will prevail over wealth ( the true cause of hatred to the Ballot ) and elections will be appeals to the reason instead of to the debauchery of the land . The Ballot

    will teach the rich to cultivate the friendly feelings of the poor . It will compel them to seek security to the legitimate influence of the aristocracy , by amenity , sympathy and kindness to the poor . It will curb the asperity , haughtiness and inhumanity , which widen the chasms in society , pit the poor against the rich , and place classes in conflict whose interests are common .

    Lord Howick is sanguine of the growing influence of opinion in checking : corruption ; but he forgets the palpable fact that corruption is now checking opinion . Is it not puerile to maintain that we may safely entrust the destruction of an evil to an agency which the evil defeats ? There is a confusion of ideas involved in this sophism , which can scarcely be expressed without a solecism in language .

    The democratic argument was reproduced by Lord Howick , viz ., that the non-electors ought to know and influence the electors . This is p lainly an argument for Universal Suffrage , and futile against tlie Ballot . If the non-electors are competent to sit in judgment over the constituency , th < ey are competent to vote themselves ; and assuredly have no claim to infringe on that right in others . If they are not competent to exercise this influence , why do you object to the Ballot for preventing it ?*

    * The following argument on " Mendacity , " is from a lecture lately delivered at Cheltenham ; and proves that the Ballot will iu a very short time put an entire stop to

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    260 Hints to the Home Secretary .

• Citation
  • Monthly Repository (1806-1838) and Unitarian Chronicle (1832-1833), May 1, 1837, page 260, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/mruc/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1831/page/5/