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Untitled Article
most galling ' to his feelings . By address the path was simple and easy , the only difficulty now arqse from noble lords wishing to assume to themselves the office of
chief magistracy . From the moment that the royal functions ceased to be entire , the ministers were hound to notify it , and to propose steps for supplying the
deficiency . The monarchy ought not to have been suspended for a moment ^ and he warned the house against permitting themselves to be the destroyers of the bulwark of the constitution . Lord
Lansdown asked , whether at this time , there was a legal and responsible custody of the royal person ? He trusted that a retrospective enquiry into this subject
would take place , and if it was true that a gross abuse had taken place within these two days in this respect , as rumoured , for he spoke only on rumour , it called for exemplary punishment . He
requested the lords to look at the words of the commission "to open , hold , and do all things by and for the crown , which in ordinary cases can by the crown be done /* Might not this lead to acts of
usurpation 2 Besides in the resolutions there is inconsistency : by the first the incapacity in the royal power is acknowledged ; in the next , is acknowledged the power that should fill it up , and instead of doing this , by tfye
third they leave matters to go on ifl a state of interregnum . Lord Grenville persisted in his former opinion of preferring bill to address , but referred the delay in the present proceedings to the misconduct of ministers * He maintained that the king in his political capacity , still governed
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the country , and that the executive did not Ndevolve upon ministers , nor even upon his son , without an act of pdrl lament , producible * n a court of justice Fiction was necessary in both
cases by bill or by address , arid the great object was to prevent injustice from it . They were to guard the king ' s government by a legislative measure , having the
king ' s assent for the laiter all agreed was necessary ,, and whether they proceeded by one or other mode , the king ' s assent and not the regent ' s must be indorsed on the act from which the latter
received his . powers . The Lord Chancellor was decidedly of opinion , that they were now in parliament assembled , and as the proceedings of 1789 had received the royal
sanction , they formed a precedent now religiously to be followed , and as for his part , the great seal was entrusted to him by his majesty , and he should not give it Up till some one was legally appointed to receive it . Lord
Lauderdale put a casd to the house if I have a right to present to a living as patron , I may present a clergyman on a vacancy , but
this does not give me the right of going myself into the pulpit and discharging the clergyman ' s functions . ' So the law of parliament does not authorise the two houses
to assume the exercise of the functions of royalty . The greatest act of kingly authority is that of giving the royal assent to an act of parliament . —The house divided , when there appeared for an . address to the prince seventy - four ^ against it one hundred-The resolutions of the Comm ons wore on a subsequent nigttt
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State of Public Affairs . . Si
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Citation
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Monthly Repository (1806-1838) and Unitarian Chronicle (1832-1833), Jan. 2, 1811, page 55, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/mruc/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2412/page/55/
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